Occasional Occasional
Paper Paper
Series Series
Volume 2020
Number 43
Possibilities and Problems in
Trauma-Based and Social Emotional Learning
Programs
Article 6
April 2020
Why Trouble SEL? The Need for Cultural Relevance in SEL Why Trouble SEL? The Need for Cultural Relevance in SEL
Julia Mahfouz
University of Idaho
Vanessa Anthony-Stevens
University of Idaho
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Part of the Curriculum and Instruction Commons, Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons,
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Recommended Citation Recommended Citation
Mahfouz, J., & Anthony-Stevens, V. (2020). Why Trouble SEL? The Need for Cultural Relevance in SEL.
Occasional Paper Series, 2020
(43). DOI: https://doi.org/10.58295/2375-3668.1354
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58 | BANK STREET COLLEGE OF EDUCATION
Why Trouble SEL? The Need for Cultural Relevance
in SEL
Julia Mahfouz and Vanessa Anthony-Stevens
Recently, one of the authors sat in a kindergarten classroom in a public school in a sovereign tribal naon
in Idaho, alongside a half-dozen in-service and pre-service teachers. During this early morning professional
development session, commied, hardworking, and well-meaning teachers assessed students’ literacy
benchmarks and social and emoonal needs. In addion to mapping the curriculum, the teachers (who
were not members of the Indigenous
1
community they served) shared how their young students need
to learn the basics” in academic skills, such as how to hold a pencil or write leers from le to right.
A lack of social and emoonal stability in households was described as an obstacle that students must
overcome in order to achieve “normal” school performance. These conversaons, while undoubtedly
well-intenoned, reected decit views of “culturally dierentpeople and those impacted by poverty, a
phenomenon deeply embedded in the Eurocentric bias of foundaonal theories of learning and successful
school performance (Delpit, 2006).
The professional development goals of many K-12 schools in Idaho include aending to social and emoonal
learning (SEL) in the classroom. Teachers jusfy this goal with statements that aempt to recognize social and
emoonal stress in the lives of children, such as: “Our students are coming to school with so much trauma,
“They come to school with few skills,or “Our job as teachers is to help these kids become more resilient.
Classroom features such as so lighng, yoga balls, and neatly decorated Pinterest-inspired word walls with
statements like You are beauful” or “Believe in yourselfare marked displays of teachers aempng to
adopt SEL strategies to minimize stress and anxiety and elevate self-percepon among youth in school.
In Idaho’s Indian Country,
2
teachers serving the states ve federally recognized tribes serve some of
the region’s most economically and socially marginalized communies. High rates of poverty, signicant
disparies between Indigenous students and their non-Indigenous peers on standardized achievement
tests, and experiences of discriminaon paint an urgent picture of inequity and deprivaon (Dearien, 2016).
For example, Indigenous youth are 2.5 mes more likely to experience trauma than their non-Indigenous
peers (Naonal Indian Child Welfare Associaon, 2014). Poverty, family member incarceraon, and high
rates of substance abuse are disproporonately relevant in Indian Country. These contemporary traumas
are not accidental and cannot be isolated from colonialist policies of cultural and linguisc genocide, forced
family separaon, boarding schools, and the physical incarceraon and violent relocaon of Indigenous
peoples from their homelands. Nearly 250 years of intergeneraonal state-sanconed violence against
Indigenous peoples has played out in schools (Lomawaima & McCarty, 2006).
These stascs are but a few of many reasons why there is an urgent need for educators to understand
the social and emoonal needs of Indigenous youth and their historical roots. Although narraves of
Indigenous trauma and school failure are widely available (Tuck, 2009), there is a relave silence in schools
1 The terms Indigenous and Nave are used interchangeably to refer to individuals and communies idenfying as originang
in the Americas. These terms recognize the unique polical and cultural relaonships between Indigenous peoples and their
homelands prior to colonizaon and in contemporary seler occupaon.
2 Indian Country is a term used in the United States to refer to lands, communies, and allotments recognized as held in trust
for Indian tribes through treaty and other intergovernmental agreements, by the federal government. See 18 U.S.C. § 1151
and 40 C.F.R. § 171.3. The term is also commonly used when discussing policy and pracce within the jurisdicon of sover-
eign tribal lands.
OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES | 59
about ongoing colonial injusces and deprivaons maintained in state policy toward Indigenous peoples.
Economic displacement, connued land encroachment, and the undermining of Indigenous sovereignty
in educaon policy (Sabzalian, 2019) contribute to a decit narrave of Indigenous youth in “need of
intervenon. This deep-seated structural racism is oen silenced by the so glow of lights, soothing
colors on the walls, and well-intenoned caring embedded in the design and delivery of social welfare
improvement schemes (Castagno, 2019; Dhillon, 2019).
As we contemplate the complexies of these urgent needs, we ask: Although many teachers care
deeply about the social and emoonal needs of their students, are they able to recognize the strengths
and knowledges Indigenous and other minorized youth bring with them to schools? In what ways do
teachers understand the unique know-how of Indigenous communies developed through centuries-
long relaonships with specic lands? Can teachers idenfy the sources of well-being and knowledge
pracced in specic cultural and linguisc ways of knowing? How oen is contemporary tribal knowledge
incorporated into curricula and school policies?
We believe lessons from Indian Country demonstrate that it is worth pausing to consider whether SEL is
eecve without situang educaonal programming within historical and polical contexts. Can social
and emoonal well-being be appropriately understood without aending to context and cultural ways
of knowing, parcularly in communies that have been minorized and marginalized by Eurocentric
educaonal and welfare policies?
Zooming out to consider diverse contexts and cultured ways of learning (Rogo, 2003), we recognize that
inequies based on race, socioeconomic status, and locaon signicantly impact student learning and
well-being. Diverse student populaons are commonly associated with urban areas; however, in the Inland
Northwest (Eastern Washington, Eastern Oregon, and Idaho), a quarter to a third of public schools are
located in rural regions (Showalter et al., 2017) and serve large populaons of culturally or linguiscally
minorized students, including Lanx and American Indian youth (Barley & Wegner, 2010).
The proporon of rural English language learners (ELLS) in Idaho and Washington is 3.5 percent above the
naonal average (Showalter et al., 2017). In Idaho, 18 percent of the public school populaon idenes
as Lanx, and enrollment for this group increased by 42 percent between 2011 and 2016 (The Hispanic
Prole, 2016).
Consistent with naonal trends, rural schools with many students of color and ELLs serve communies
with higher than average rates of poverty and lower than average rates of academic achievement (Barley
& Wegner, 2010). Rural students comprise roughly 20 percent of the U.S. K-12 public school populaon
(Showalter et al., 2017), and nearly half live at or below the poverty line (Showalter et al., 2017). Teachers
who aim to support SEL among rural students, especially Indigenous youth, need to develop capacies to
recognize the potenal impacts of these factors on student learning.
SEL programs create opportunies for schools to recognize and serve young people exposed to trauma, both
contemporary and historic. However, we are concerned that uncrical discussions of social and emoonal
well-being may pathologize trauma or mark marginalized youth as damaged, without consideraon of
the complex cognive, polical, and social ecologies dominated by Eurocentric bias. To confront these
limitaons, we propose adopng an interdisciplinary lens to integrate culturally relevant and culturally
sustaining pedagogy into SEL programs for marginalized and minorized students.
60 | BANK STREET COLLEGE OF EDUCATION
As teacher-researchers with backgrounds in classroom teaching (second author) and school leadership
(rst author), both in pluri-cultural and mullingual contexts of learning, our own experiences support
the noon that all learning is cultured. And as faculty members of a public university in the rural Inland
Northwest situated on the tradional homelands of Indigenous peoples, we see that the diversies of
our context are frequently silenced. Our work in curriculum and instrucon and educaonal leadership
aempts to navigate ways to achieve educaonal equity in diverse communies.
What is SEL?
Social-emoonal learning (SEL) is the capacity to recognize and manage emoons, solve problems
eecvely, and establish posive relaonships with others. In the mid-1990s, research on prevenon
and resilience showed the posive impacts of SEL programs in schools. Since then, a growing number
of educators, policymakers, and researchers have supported the implementaon of school-based SEL
programs (Jones & Kahn, 2017) to help build competencies essenal for student success.
SEL targets a combinaon of behaviors, cognions, and emoons. The Collaborave for Academic, Social,
and Emoonal Learning (CASEL, 2019) denes SEL as: acquiring and eecvely applying the knowledge,
atudes, and skills necessary to recognize and manage emoons; developing caring and concern for
others; making responsible decisions; establishing posive relaonships; and handling challenging
situaons capably. CASEL’s (2019) SEL framework is based on ve core social-emoonal competencies
(SECs): self-awareness, self-management, social awareness, relaonship skills, and responsible decision-
making. Students are encouraged to learn, pracce, and apply social-emoonal skills by engaging in
posive acvies both inside and outside the classroom.
Many SEL programs have been developed over the last two decades; increasing research evidence
shows that such programs can support development of the whole child and lead to improved academic
achievement, employment, health, and well-being. However, because student learning and identy are
shaped by cultural pracce(s), situated life experiences, and many other variables converging in any context
of social interacon (Guerrez & Rogo, 2003), the development and expression of social-emoonal skills
are aected by factors such as social-historic context, including epistemic beliefs (i.e., about the nature of
knowledge) and power dynamics (Bang & Medin, 2010).
This raises the queson: Do the guiding frameworks of SEL programs adequately promote the well-
being of diverse youth in an inequitable society such as the United States? Although evidence shows SEL
programs yield benets in mulple domains in the United States and elsewhere, most programs are based
on monolithic approaches (Was & Abdul-Adil, 1998) that typically do not consider dynamics of power and
oppression in social structures. Fur thermore, such approaches silence nuanced cultural, social, polical, and
geographic diversies relevant to dierent ways of knowing the world and the ways dierent communies
support intergeneraonal learning (Romero-Lile, 2010). Although many view SEL as the “missing piece”
in educaon because it addresses important aspects of student learning and oers signicant skills for
navigang complex worlds (Bridgeland, Bruce, & Hariharan, 2013), we believe it is important to recognize
that any SEL curriculum that does not deeply consider culture as the central framework through which
learning occurs likely perpetuates inequity. SEL programs need to call aenon to how complex social-
historical landscapes inuence learning and SEL implementaon.
To eecvely incorporate culture into SEL frameworks, we propose adopng an interdisciplinary lens—
specically, culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) (Ladson-Billings, 1995; 2014) and culturally sustaining
OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES | 61
pedagogy (CSP) (Paris & Alim, 2014). A deep cultural analysis can illuminate why standard approaches to SEL
are not suciently dierenated to address students’ diverse needs (Castro-Olivo, Preciado, Marciante,
& Garcia, 2018), especially those minorized on the basis of race and socioeconomic status. SEL programs
must create spaces for teachers and school leaders to engage in discussions of deep cultural analysis
(Pollock, 2008) that include the development of sociopolical consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 2014).
Approaching SEL as a Cultured Pracce
As Indigenous educaon scholars point out, all curricula and pedagogy are culturally based. The real
queson is, whose cultural knowledge and pracces are they based on?” (Lipka, Sharp, Brenner, Yanez, &
Sharp, 2005, p. 369). Sociocultural analysis of learning—for example, seeing culture as a pracce situated
in social interacon (González, Moll, & Aman, 2005)—enables schooling to be seen as a space of human
interacon laden with sociocultural beliefs, situated meaning, and power relaons. Changing the lens
through which educators assess culturally sustaining interacons is an essenal pracce for supporng
educaonal equity.
In the pursuit of educaonal equity, we believe biases must be acknowledged and inequitable pracces
must be eliminated; only then can school environments culvate the interests and talents of students
from diverse backgrounds. While helping students develop SECs may seem like a useful way to counteract
some of the eects of decit models of educaon, many SEL programs are delivered via a classroom-
based instrucon format that reinforces rather than challenges the decit paradigm by privileging ways of
thinking, feeling, and behaving embraced by the dominant culture.
Because psychological norms and constructs are frequently presented as universal, theeld of psychology
is plagued by ethnocentric biases, many of which go unrecognized (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015). Substanal
evidence associang dierences in social and emoonal development with cultural structures, funcons,
and processes has called this assumpon of universality into queson (Hecht & Shin, 2015).
Among the many psychological constructs shaped by cultural assumpons, “how the self is dened” is the
most fundamental (Hecht & Shin, 2015, p. 52; Taylor, Oberle, Durlak, & Weissberg, 2017). For example,
whereas individualist noons of self are pervasive in anglophone and other Eurocentric sociees, kinship
structures in Indigenous sociees support collecvist noons of self that are “inseparable from, and
embedded within, family and community (Gee, Dudgeon, Schultz, Hart, & Kelly, 2014, p. 57). One’s
sense of self may also be shaped by connecons to land, cultural heritage, and language (Gee et al., 2014;
LeGrande et al., 2017). In many Indigenous communies, for example, oral stories, experienal learning,
and mul-age ceremonies are mechanisms of knowledge transfer that frame understandings of the self in
relaon to others, both human and non-human communies (Poroch et al., 2009; Romero-Lile, 2010).
Cultural dierences emerge as a result of fundamentally dierent understandings of the self, inuenced
by specic pracces of social engagement and communicaon. Thus, it is crically important to consider
cultural dierences when developing and implemenng SEL programs for marginalized students. Hecht
and Shin (2015) showed how culturally dierent understandings of the self aect all ve of the SEL
competencies promoted by CASEL (2019). Jager, Randall-Garner, and Ausdal (2018) anchored the ve
SEL competences in a cultural equity lens, elaborang how each competency could be ulized to promote
eq uit y. Th e o r ie s of s it u ate d cogni o n and le ar ni n g consi de r the in u e n c e of s oc i all y conte x tu a lize d pr a c ces
(Wortham, 2001), interacons inuenced by larger polical and historical contexts. These theories place
individuals and learning within contexts of parcipaon in socially situated pracces (Wortham, 2001),
62 | BANK STREET COLLEGE OF EDUCATION
to which we can also add are shaped by polical and historical contexts. Studies of social interacon and
learning nd students’ idenes and atudes toward schools to be co-created through interacons with
peers, instuons, policies, and discourses. What occurs at schools, both academic and non-academic
interacons, play crical roles in youth identy formaon.
Despite signicant eorts to recognize the value of diverse cultural perspecves, whiteness” connues to
be the lens through which educaonal goals and iniaves are refracted. Here, the term “whiteness” refers
to both a socially constructed racialized category and a system of privileges based on racial dominance
(Leonardo & Grubb, 2018). Whiteness is pervasive in mainstream instuons and oen juses dominaon
over others as being in the collecve best interest (Castagno, 2013). Although psychologists have found
a strong cultural and ethnic identy to be associated with emoonal well-being (Dobia & Roey, 2017),
whiteness and the structural racism it produces negates these benets for students of color (Paradies &
Cunningham, 2012).
Language and socializaon research reveals that children begin parcipang in racializing processes and
hierarchies at a young age, and that school sengs are signicant reinforcers of racial inequies through
situaonal cues, discourses, and curricular inclusion/omission (Fontenella-Nothom, 2019). The implicaons
of whiteness are signicant, not only for students’ educaonal outcomes but for their social-emoonal
well-being. Systemic decit thinking about Black female students, for example, lowers expectaons,
movaon, self-ecacy and self-worth, all of which typically lead to negave emoons and behaviors
(Watson, 2018).
Moreover, when teachers who work with marginalized students fail to consider cultural dierences in the
rules governing social interacon, miscommunicaon and conicng behavioral expectaons may cause
some acons to be interpreted as willful misconduct or lack of cooperaon, mering punive measures
(Yeatman, 2000). All too oen, a lack of cultural understanding and the failure to place learning models—
including SEL pracces—within their historical and polical contexts fuel inequitable or discriminatory
pracces that disproporonately aect marginalized students.
Culturally Relevant and Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy
Educaonal anthropologist Gloria Ladson-Billings (1995, 2014) sparked a mul-decade conversaon on
how to transform teacher pedagogy away from framing students of color, mullingual youth, and/or
students impacted by poverty as decient, at-risk, or culturally disadvantaged. Like others before her,
Ladson-Billings ipped the script on the culture of poverty by examining the strengths minorized youth
bring to school to support learning and by studying contexts in which teachers experienced pedagogical
success with marginalized youth.
Culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) shis pedagogical orientaons away from pathologizing minorized
students as decient versions of dominant youth, and instead focuses on recognizing and building upon
the assets and strengths of working-class and mullingual individuals and people of color (González, Moll,
& Aman, 2005). Teachers who pracce CRP: (a) support students’ intellectual growth through relevant
classroom instrucon and learning experiences; (b) help students appreciate and celebrate their cultures
of origin while gaining knowledge of and uency in at least one other culture; and (c) pracce sociopolical
consciousness by using school knowledge and skills to idenfy, analyze, and solve real world problems
(Ladson-Billings, 2014). When educaonal pedagogies and programs fail to deeply consider culture,
the situaon is oen overgeneralized and misapplied to explain “problem” behaviors and school failure
(Ladson-Billings, 2006).
OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES | 63
Paris (2012) pushed educators to deeply conceptualize how relevance is determined, and to what end
educaon should be relevant. For her, learning environments must support or sustain students’ cultural and
linguisc repertoires and relaonships to be “relevant” (Paris, 2012). Such environments strive to maintain
and “value cultural and linguisc sharing across dierence, to sustain and support bi- and mullingualism
and bi- and mulculturalism (Paris, 2012, p.95). Developing pedagogies and programs that support children
and youth in sustaining their own cultural and linguisc competencies while oering access to dominant
cultural competencies is a complex task, to say the least. We believe this task to be fundamental to social-
emoonal well-being.
In the psychology eld, many researchers have begun to draw aenon to the importance of integrang
a culturally relevant paradigm to SEL programs and grounding SEL in a focus on equity (Jagers, Rivas-
Drake, & Borowski, 2018; Simmons, Bracke, & Adler, 2018). For example, Kuperminc and colleagues
(2009) proposed a cultural-ecological-transaconal model for studying resilience among Lanx and other
ethnic minority groups in the United States. Jagers and colleagues (2018) described how SEL programs
reect a prevenon science approach that usually does not take into consideraon students’ cultural assets
in these programs and called for cultural adaptaons of SEL programs to foster opmal growth among
African-American youth. CASEL has released several reports and briefs that apply an equity lens to social,
emoonal, and academic development and aim to help educators leverage SEL to promote equity. The
reports highlight the need to support cultural competence development for teachers (Jagers et al., 2018).
A few SEL programs have been adapted to aend to specic groups of students. An Aboriginal Girls
Circle iniave yielded tangible posive outcomes by increasing social connecon, parcipaon, and
self-condence among Aboriginal girls aending secondary schools (Dobia & Roey, 2017). However, a
systemac review showed that only 12.5 percent of all SEL intervenons had been culturally adapted
(DeLuca, Kelman, & Waelde, 2018). In addion, “adaptaon” may not be enough to account for the factors
that contribute to healthy and/or problem behaviors in non-dominant communies, or to culvate and
sustain healthy social, cultural, and linguisc interacons. Again, we advocate using a culturally and socially
situated lens to assess student interacons within wider social structures, such as instuons, policies,
and economies. Drawing from the framework of culturally relevant and culturally sustaining pedagogy, we
are acutely aware that SELs widespread appeal for supporng student needs must interface with socially
situated cultural paradigms of wellness.
Cultural, Contextual, Social, and Emoonal Learning
For many Indigenous communies in the United States, schools have been sites of struggle and resistance
in the face of missionary and government aempts to civilize, assimilate, and Americanize Nave life,
ways, and languages through physical violence and intellectual warfare (Cleary & Peacock, 1998; Deyhle
& Swisher, 1997; Schachner, 2019; Sarivaara, Määä, & Uusiau, 2019). The direct eects of colonizaon
and persistent seler colonial structures stymie the well-being of many Indigenous communies, and
contribute to the denial of linguisc and cultural inclusion in schools.
Indigenous students in K-12 schools rarely have access to Indigenous teachers and frequently experience
low teacher expectaons, inappropriate tracking into special educaon, and unfair disciplinary pracces
(McCarty & Lee, 2014). The misalignment of teacher experience and perspecve limits opportunies for
Indigenous youth to experience success in K-12 and postsecondary educaon (Brayboy & Maaka, 2015).
SEL programs are growing in schools with high Indigenous populaons and are intended to address crical
64 | BANK STREET COLLEGE OF EDUCATION
social-emoonal needs and the impacts of intergeneraonal trauma. However, these programs struggle to
address the complexity of historical-polical processes that contribute to contemporary struggles.
Applying a cultural lens enables educators to recognize that the social-emoonal needs of Indigenous
youth are intertwined with social-historical context and require community collaboraon. Culturally
sustaining/revitalizing pedagogy (CSRP) constutes a specic approach to supporng the unique social
and polical needs of Indigenous youth (McCarty & Lee, 2014). It is an expression of sovereignty that
priorizes local communies’ expressed interests, resources, and needs and embraces community-driven
Indigenous language and culture educaon pracces. CSRP is also an applied framework for instruconal
design, curriculum, and student/family services that recognizes “asymmetrical power relaons and legacies
of colonizaon” (McCarty & Lee, 2014, p. 8).
Crical examinaon of ethno-historic contexts reveals how school discourses pathologize the emoonal
well-being and physical and social behaviors of Indigenous youth and communies (Lomawaima & McCarty,
2006). Deep aenon to cultural pracce, at both the micro and macro levels, enables educators to develop
a beer understanding of the nuances of Indigenous cultural and linguisc pracces (which have been ed
to the land for centuries) and to center Indigenous knowledge as sources of well-being and healing. This
requires recognion of the disnct epistemologies and histories that dene our dierences and equitable
partnership with Indigenous educators and leaders.
Similarly, educators and school leaders must seek to understand the diversies of cultural pracce within
geographies by adopng lenses and pedagogies that crically aend to space and place. In the Inland
Northwest, contemplang well-being in relaonship to space and place helps educators to challenge deep-
seated either/or binaries that posion place and identy as stac categories, such as rural or urban, White
or cultural other.These common identy tropes oversimplify diverse idenes within geographies and
the social and emoonal needs of students with them.
Anthony-Stevens and Langford (2019) proposed the concept of diverse ruralies” in an aempt to highlight
the interseconal inequies with and across rural communies and schools. To eect change, teachers
and school leaders must examine their assumpons and beliefs to purposefully aend to rural students’
social, emoonal, and academic needs (Turnbull, Turnbull, Erwin, & Soodak, 2006). Aending to social and
emoonal well-being is dynamic and should be approached with an ability to recognize students’ cultural
and linguisc repertoires and value cultural and linguisc sharing across dierence (Paris, 2012). Just as
CSRP encourages pedagogies to sustain and revitalize Indigenous lifeways through schooling, culturally
responsive and sustaining approaches to the social and academic needs of students in rurality should
consider pracces unique to rural communies in interseconal and social jusce-oriented ways.
Placing SEL in Dialogue With CRP and CSP
A growing body of evidence reveals that cultural identy plays a crically important role in the social-
emoonal well-being of marginalized students (Gee et al., 2014). Thus, eecvely engaging SEL in diverse
contexts requires interrogang the cultural assumpons that underpin psychoeducaonal pracces. As
suggested, applying a cultural lens to SEL will “produce richer theory and pracce” (Hecht & Shin, 2015, p.
62). Here are some pathways to explore the cross-pollinaon of culturally revitalizing pedagogy (CRP) and
culturally sustaining pedagogy (CSP) with SEL programs.
OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES | 65
An-Colonial Stances
Ethnocentric biases and damaging decit orientaons can be traced to societal arrangements established
during colonizaon and maintained by seler colonialism. Calling out the historical structures that created
hierarches of privilege and oppression are necessary to reimagine relaonships within and beyond
classrooms and schools (Patel, 2014). Crical, culturally conscious approaches that arm the histories,
experiences, and disncve cultural values of those whose needs are being served must replace tradional
(e.g., colonial) approaches rooted in whiteness (Dudgeon & Walker, 2015). Furthermore, educator’s
need pre-service and in-service spaces to idenfy, reect, and unpack their own stereotypes, biases,
microagressions, etc. and where these ideas come from.
The myth of universal behaviors must be challenged. Any assumpons of superiority or aempts to establish
authoritarian dominance must be examined and decentered in eorts to support diverse communies,
especially those marginalized by race, class, and language. In addion to increasing inclusivity in classrooms
and schools, entrenched issues of race and ethnicity must be explicitly considered in the development
and delivery of SEL programs to truly address systemic inequies in the educaon system. SEL program
developers must dedicate material resources to supporng a crically culturally conscious approach to
student learning.
Cultural Integraon
Achieving cultural integraon requires implemenng culturally responsive teaching and a CRP. These two
pracces are rooted in sociocultural strategies that emphasize constuent involvement by connecng
academic concepts with students’ cultural knowledge, creang space for students to reect on their
own lives and society on their terms, supporng cultural competence by invesng me and resources to
support students to learn about their own and other cultures, and pursuing social jusce through criques
of discourses of oppression.
Many studies reveal how educators can employ culturally relevant educaon across academic content
areas. Thus, SECs need to be intertwined with cultural competencies in order to be able to address the SEL
of the whole child. In addion, culturally relevant approaches involve tailoring SEL delivery to the cultural
norms of local communies and families, the current generaon of youth, specic races/ethnicies, and the
social/polical climate. Paradoxically, scholars have consistently recommended taking a non-dierenated
approach to SEL program implementaon. This needs to change if SEL programs are to eecvely address
the social-emoonal needs of marginalized students. More youth benet when school professionals
integrate SEL in culturally relevant ways.
Implemenng SEL Programs for Teachers and School Leaders
The SECs of teachers and school leaders play a pivotal role in advancing transformave SEL programs in
schools. Recent evidence shows that teachers and their students both derive benets from mindfulness
intervenons (Elreda, Jennings, DeMauro, Mischenko, & Brown, 2019; Jennings, 2015). However, these
benets might be limited by teachers’ lack of cultural awareness and their culture- and class-related
assumpons and preferences; oen, teachers have less producve relaonships with lower-income
students and students of color than with White students from beer-resourced backgrounds. As such,
teachers’ cultural awareness and sensibilies warrant systemac aenon. Such awareness would help
66 | BANK STREET COLLEGE OF EDUCATION
prevent teachers from embracing false noons of color-blindness, power-blindness, and humanist-caring
that obscure sociopolical realies. We assume that these competencies would support equitable pracces
and facilitate empowerment among marginalized students. Pre- and in-service training acvies (e.g.,
home visits, service learning) that reect authenc interest in students’ lived experiences best support the
development of cultural awareness.
Adopng a Crically Conscious Approach
Students can learn to recognize how social and polical contexts may contribute to their marginalizaon
in the educaon system. Crically conscious principles can be applied to develop dierent types of SEL
intervenons aimed at changing school pracces. Students and parents could engage in small group
discussions about how race-, class-, and gender-related issues aect their school experiences. For example,
to contextualize violence, curricula should uncover the histories and policies that contribute to poverty
and marginalizaon in students’ communies. Understanding these histories enables students to reect
on their reacons to circumstances and to recognize violence as perpetuang oppression and lack of
well-being across generaons. School professionals could intenonally dialogue with students to idenfy
specic strengths and resources that enable them to remain engaged in the educaonal system despite
signicant oppression and obstacles.
SEL Informed by Students’ Lived Experiences
Transforming the educaonal system is an endeavor that requires persistent collecve eort over the long
haul. Teachers and school administrators can determine how the implementaon of SEL at their schools
is informed by the lived experiences of their students. Returning to the situaon in the opening vignee,
educators in Idaho’s Indian Country could beer serve Indigenous youth by being willing to conceptualize
social and emoonal well-being from the cultural and historical perspecve of tribal communies. This
would include consideraon of the complexity of sociopolical and economic terrains and structures that
warrant the modicaon of SEL approaches.
Educators must have the courage to engage in honest self-reecon about personal biases, which may elicit
uncomfortable emoons about inequity. When implemenng SEL programs, the historical legacy of racism
and exclusion in our public educaon system must be acknowledged. An equity lens must be applied to our
collecve work; we must queson our fundamental assumpons about educaonal pracces. Although the
path forward may be challenging, the potenal to create inclusive, joyful, liberang learning environments
in which all students can thrive and discover their unique gis and talents is tremendous.
OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES | 67
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Julia Mahfouz, PhD, is an Assistant Professor in the Educaonal Leadership
Program, Department of Leadership and Counseling at the University of Idaho.
Mahfouzs research interests include exploring the social and emoonal dynamics
of educaonal sengs and their eect on school climate. Her work seeks to
deepen our understanding of social-emoonal learning (SEL) through lenses of
intervenon implementaon, school improvement eorts, and preparaon of
school leaders. She also focuses on enhancing the principals’ social-emoonal
competencies and their capacity to culvate a supporve learning environment
for improved student outcomes and overall school improvement.
Vanessa Anthony-Stevens, PhD, is an Assistant Professor of Social and Cultural
Studies in the Department of Curriculum and Instrucon, University of Idaho.
As an educaonal anthropologist, Vanessa is interested in discourse, identy,
and power negoaons in contexts of educaon, parcularly Indigenous
educaon. Current research analyzes equity and de-colonial trajectories of
teacher preparaon, K-12 instrucon, and higher educaon. She is the Principal
Invesgator and Director of Indigenous Knowledge for Eecve Educaon
Program (IKEEP) at the University of Idaho. Vanessa is a mother, a former K-8
classroom teacher, and a scholar-educator.
About the Authors