National Security Strategy

May 2010

N AT I O N A L S E C U R I T Y

S T R AT E G Y

Table of Contents

I. Overview of National Security Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

II. Strategic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

The Strategic Environment—The World as It Is . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Building Our Foundation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Strengthening National Capacity—A Whole of Government Approach . . . . . . . . . . 14

III. Advancing Our Interests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Security . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Strengthen Security and Resilience at Home. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

Disrupt, Dismantle, and Defeat Al-Qa’ida and its Violent Extremist Aliates in

Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Around the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Use of Force. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

Reverse the Spread of Nuclear and Biological Weapons and Secure Nuclear Materials . . 23

Advance Peace, Security, and Opportunity in the Greater Middle East . . . . . . . . . 24

Invest in the Capacity of Strong and Capable Partners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Secure Cyberspace. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Prosperity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Strengthen Education and Human Capital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29

Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Achieve Balanced and Sustainable Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

Accelerate Sustainable Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

Strengthen the Power of Our Example . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

Promote Democracy and Human Rights Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Promote Dignity by Meeting Basic Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

International Order. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40

Ensure Strong Alliances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

Build Cooperation with Other 21st Century Centers of Inuence . . . . . . . . . . . 43

Strengthen Institutions and Mechanisms for Cooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46

Sustain Broad Cooperation on Key Global Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

IV. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

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I. Overview of National Security Strategy

At the dawn of the 21st century, the United States of America faces a broad and complex array of chal-

lenges to our national security. Just as America helped to determine the course of the 20th century,

we must now build the sources of American strength and inuence, and shape an international order

capable of overcoming the challenges of the 21st century.

The World as It Is, A Strategy for the World We Seek

To succeed, we must face the world as it is. The two decades since the end of the Cold War have been

marked by both the promise and perils of change. The circle of peaceful democracies has expanded; the

specter of nuclear war has lifted; major powers are at peace; the global economy has grown; commerce

has stitched the fate of nations together; and more individuals can determine their own destiny. Yet these

advances have been accompanied by persistent problems. Wars over ideology have given way to wars

over religious, ethnic, and tribal identity; nuclear dangers have proliferated; inequality and economic

instability have intensied; damage to our environment, food insecurity, and dangers to public health

are increasingly shared; and the same tools that empower individuals to build enable them to destroy.

The dark side of this globalized world came to the forefront for the American people on September

11, 2001. The immediate threat demonstrated by the deadliest attacks ever launched upon American

soil demanded strong and durable approaches to defend our homeland. In the years since, we have

launched a war against al-Qa’ida and its aliates, decided to ght a war in Iraq, and confronted a sweep-

ing economic crisis. More broadly, though, we have wrestled with how to advance American interests in a

world that has changed—a world in which the international architecture of the 20th century is buckling

under the weight of new threats, the global economy has accelerated the competition facing our people

and businesses, and the universal aspiration for freedom and dignity contends with new obstacles.

Our country possesses the attributes that have supported our leadership for decades—sturdy alliances,

an unmatched military, the world’s largest economy, a strong and evolving democracy, and a dynamic

citizenry. Going forward, there should be no doubt: the United States of America will continue to

underwrite global security—through our commitments to allies, partners, and institutions; our focus on

defeating al-Qa’ida and its aliates in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and around the globe; and our determina-

tion to deter aggression and prevent the proliferation of the world’s most dangerous weapons. As we do,

we must recognize that no one nation—no matter how powerful—can meet global challenges alone.

As we did after World War II, America must prepare for the future, while forging cooperative approaches

among nations that can yield results.

Our national security strategy is, therefore, focused on renewing American leadership so that we can

more e ectively advance our interests in the 21st century. We will do so by building upon the sources

of our strength at home, while shaping an international order that can meet the challenges of our

time. This strategy recognizes the fundamental connection between our national security, our national

competitiveness, resilience, and moral example. And it rearms America’s commitment to pursue our

interests through an international system in which all nations have certain rights and responsibilities.

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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This will allow America to leverage our engagement abroad on behalf of a world in which individuals

enjoy more freedom and opportunity, and nations have incentives to act responsibly, while facing

consequences when they do not.

Renewing American Leadership—Building at Home, Shaping Abroad

Our approach begins with a commitment to build a stronger foundation for American leadership,

because what takes place within our borders will determine our strength and inuence beyond them.

This truth is only heightened in a world of greater interconnection—a world in which our prosperity is

inextricably linked to global prosperity, our security can be directly challenged by developments across

an ocean, and our actions are scrutinized as never before.

At the center of our e orts is a commitment to renew our economy, which serves as the wellspring of

American power. The American people are now emerging from the most devastating recession that we

have faced since the Great Depression. As we continue to act to ensure that our recovery is broad and

sustained, we are also laying the foundation for the long term growth of our economy and competitive-

ness of our citizens. The investments that we have made in recovery are a part of a broader e ort that

will contribute to our strength: by providing a quality education for our children; enhancing science and

innovation; transforming our energy economy to power new jobs and industries; lowering the cost of

health care for our people and businesses; and reducing the Federal decit.

Each of these steps will sustain America’s ability to lead in a world where economic power and individual

opportunity are more di use. These e orts are also tied to our commitment to secure a more resilient

nation. Our recovery includes rebuilding an infrastructure that will be more secure and reliable in the

face of terrorist threats and natural disasters. Our focus on education and science can ensure that the

breakthroughs of tomorrow take place in the United States. Our development of new sources of energy

will reduce our dependence on foreign oil. Our commitment to decit reduction will discipline us to

make hard choices, and to avoid overreach. These steps complement our e orts to integrate homeland

security with national security; including seamless coordination among Federal, state, and local govern-

ments to prevent, protect against, and respond to threats and natural disasters.

Finally, the work to build a stronger foundation for our leadership within our borders recognizes that

the most e ective way for the United States of America to promote our values is to live them. America’s

commitment to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law are essential sources of our strength and

inuence in the world. They too must be cultivated by our rejection of actions like torture that are not in

line with our values, by our commitment to pursue justice consistent with our Constitution, and by our

steady determination to extend the promise of America to all of our citizens. America has always been

a beacon to the peoples of the world when we ensure that the light of America’s example burns bright.

Building this stronger foundation will support America’s e orts to shape an international system that

can meet the challenges of our time. In the aftermath of World War II, it was the United States that

helped take the lead in constructing a new international architecture to keep the peace and advance

prosperity—from NATO and the United Nations, to treaties that govern the laws and weapons of war;

from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, to an expanding web of trade agreements. This

I. OVERVI EW O F NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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architecture, despite its aws, averted world war, enabled economic growth, and advanced human

rights, while facilitating e ective burden sharing among the United States, our allies, and partners.

Today, we need to be clear-eyed about the strengths and shortcomings of international institutions that

were developed to deal with the challenges of an earlier time and the shortage of political will that has

at times stymied the enforcement of international norms. Yet it would be destructive to both American

national security and global security if the United States used the emergence of new challenges and

the shortcomings of the international system as a reason to walk away from it. Instead, we must focus

American engagement on strengthening international institutions and galvanizing the collective action

that can serve common interests such as combating violent extremism; stopping the spread of nuclear

weapons and securing nuclear materials; achieving balanced and sustainable economic growth; and

forging cooperative solutions to the threat of climate change, armed conict, and pandemic disease.

The starting point for that collective action will be our engagement with other countries. The cornerstone

of this engagement is the relationship between the United States and our close friends and allies in

Europe, Asia, the Americas, and the Middle East—ties which are rooted in shared interests and shared

values, and which serve our mutual security and the broader security and prosperity of the world. We are

working to build deeper and more e ective partnerships with other key centers of inuence—includ-

ing China, India, and Russia, as well as increasingly inuential nations such as Brazil, South Africa, and

Indonesia—so that we can cooperate on issues of bilateral and global concern, with the recognition

that power, in an interconnected world, is no longer a zero sum game. We are expanding our outreach

to emerging nations, particularly those that can be models of regional success and stability, from the

Americas to Africa to Southeast Asia. And we will pursue engagement with hostile nations to test their

intentions, give their governments the opportunity to change course, reach out to their people, and

mobilize international coalitions.

This engagement will underpin our commitment to an international order based upon rights and

responsibilities. International institutions must more e ectively represent the world of the 21st century,

with a broader voice—and greater responsibilities—for emerging powers, and they must be modernized

to more e ectively generate results on issues of global interest. Constructive national steps on issues

ranging from nuclear security to climate change must be incentivized, so nations that choose to do

their part see the benets of responsible action. Rules of the road must be followed, and there must be

consequences for those nations that break the rules—whether they are nonproliferation obligations,

trade agreements, or human rights commitments.

This modernization of institutions, strengthening of international norms, and enforcement of inter-

national law is not a task for the United States alone—but together with like-minded nations, it is a

task we can lead. A key source of American leadership throughout our history has been enlightened

self-interest. We want a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives

will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity. The belief

that our own interests are bound to the interests of those beyond our borders will continue to guide

our engagement with nations and peoples.

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Advancing Top National Security Priorities

Just as our national security strategy is focused on renewing our leadership for the long term, it is also

facilitating immediate action on top priorities. This Administration has no greater responsibility than

the safety and security of the American people. And there is no greater threat to the American people

than weapons of mass destruction, particularly the danger posed by the pursuit of nuclear weapons by

violent extremists and their proliferation to additional states.

That is why we are pursuing a comprehensive nonproliferation and nuclear security agenda, grounded

in the rights and responsibilities of nations. We are reducing our nuclear arsenal and reliance on nuclear

weapons, while ensuring the reliability and e ectiveness of our deterrent. We are strengthening the

Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as the foundation of nonproliferation, while working through

the NPT to hold nations like Iran and North Korea accountable for their failure to meet international

obligations. We are leading a global e ort to secure all vulnerable nuclear materials from terrorists.

And we are pursuing new strategies to protect against biological attacks and challenges to the cyber

networks that we depend upon.

As we secure the world’s most dangerous weapons, we are ghting a war against a far-reaching network

of hatred and violence. We will disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its aliates through a com-

prehensive strategy that denies them safe haven, strengthens front-line partners, secures our homeland,

pursues justice through durable legal approaches, and counters a bankrupt agenda of extremism and

murder with an agenda of hope and opportunity. The frontline of this ght is Afghanistan and Pakistan,

where we are applying relentless pressure on al-Qa’ida, breaking the Taliban’s momentum, and strength-

ening the security and capacity of our partners. In this e ort, our troops are again demonstrating their

extraordinary service, making great sacrices in a time of danger, and they have our full support.

In Iraq, we are transitioning to full Iraqi sovereignty and responsibility—a process that includes the

removal of our troops, the strengthening of our civilian capacity, and a long-term partnership to the

Iraqi Government and people. We will be unwavering in our pursuit of a comprehensive peace between

Israel and its neighbors, including a two-state solution that ensures Israel’s security, while fullling the

Palestinian peoples’ legitimate aspirations for a viable state of their own. And our broader engagement

with Muslim communities around the world will spur progress on critical political and security matters,

while advancing partnerships on a broad range of issues based upon mutual interests and mutual

respect.

As we rebuild the economic strength upon which our leadership depends, we are working to advance

the balanced and sustainable growth upon which global prosperity and stability depends. This includes

steps at home and abroad to prevent another crisis. We have shifted focus to the G-20 as the premier

forum for international economic cooperation, and are working to rebalance global demand so that

America saves more and exports more, while emerging economies generate more demand. And we will

pursue bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that advance our shared prosperity, while accelerat-

ing investments in development that can narrow inequality, expand markets, and support individual

opportunity and state capacity abroad.

I. OVERVI EW O F NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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These e orts to advance security and prosperity are enhanced by our support for certain values that are

universal. Nations that respect human rights and democratic values are more successful and stronger

partners, and individuals who enjoy such respect are more able to achieve their full potential. The United

States rejects the false choice between the narrow pursuit of our interests and an endless campaign

to impose our values. Instead, we see it as fundamental to our own interests to support a just peace

around the world—one in which individuals, and not just nations, are granted the fundamental rights

that they deserve.

In keeping with the focus on the foundation of our strength and inuence, we are promoting universal

values abroad by living them at home, and will not seek to impose these values through force. Instead,

we are working to strengthen international norms on behalf of human rights, while welcoming all

peaceful democratic movements. We are supporting the development of institutions within fragile

democracies, integrating human rights as a part of our dialogue with repressive governments, and sup-

porting the spread of technologies that facilitate the freedom to access information. And we recognize

economic opportunity as a human right, and are promoting the dignity of all men and women through

our support for global health, food security, and cooperatives responses to humanitarian crises.

Finally, our e orts to shape an international order that promotes a just peace must facilitate cooperation

capable of addressing the problems of our time. This international order will support our interests, but

it is also an end that we seek in its own right. New challenges hold out the prospect of opportunity, but

only if the international community breaks down the old habits of suspicion to build upon common

interests. A global e ort to combat climate change must draw upon national actions to reduce emis-

sions and a commitment to mitigate their impact. E orts to prevent conicts and keep the peace in their

aftermath can stop insecurity from spreading. Global cooperation to prevent the spread of pandemic

disease can promote public health.

Implementing this agenda will not be easy. To succeed, we must balance and integrate all elements

of American power and update our national security capacity for the 21st century. We must maintain

our military’s conventional superiority, while enhancing its capacity to defeat asymmetric threats. Our

diplomacy and development capabilities must be modernized, and our civilian expeditionary capac-

ity strengthened, to support the full breadth of our priorities. Our intelligence and homeland security

e orts must be integrated with our national security policies, and those of our allies and partners. And

our ability to synchronize our actions while communicating e ectively with foreign publics must be

enhanced to sustain global support.

However, America’s greatest asset remains our people. In an era that will be shaped by the ability to seize

the opportunities of a world that has grown more interconnected, it is the American people who will

make the di erence—the troops and civilians serving within our government; businesses, foundations,

and educational institutions that operate around the globe; and citizens who possess the dynamism,

drive, and diversity to thrive in a world that has grown smaller. Because for all of its dangers, globalization

is in part a product of American leadership and the ingenuity of the American people. We are uniquely

suited to seize its promise.

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Our story is not without imperfections. Yet at each juncture that history has called upon us to rise to

the occasion, we have advanced our own security, while contributing to the cause of human progress.

To continue to do so, our national security strategy must be informed by our people, enhanced by the

contributions of the Congress, and strengthened by the unity of the American people. If we draw on

that spirit anew, we can build a world of greater peace, prosperity, and human dignity.

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II. Strategic Approach

“More than at any point in human history—the interests of nations and peoples are

shared. e religious convictions that we hold in our hearts can forge new bonds among

people, or tear us apart. e technology we harness can light the path to peace, or forever

darken it. e energy we use can sustain our planet, or destroy it. What happens to the

hope of a single child—anywhere—can enrich our world, or impoverish it.”

—President Barack Obama, United Nations General Assembly, September 22, 2009

—

The United States must renew its leadership in the world by building and cultivating the sources of our

strength and inuence. Our national security depends upon America’s ability to leverage our unique

national attributes, just as global security depends upon strong and responsible American leadership.

That includes our military might, economic competitiveness, moral leadership, global engagement,

and e orts to shape an international system that serves the mutual interests of nations and peoples.

For the world has changed at an extraordinary pace, and the United States must adapt to advance our

interests and sustain our leadership.

American interests are enduring. They are:

• The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners;

• A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic system that

promotes opportunity and prosperity;

• Respect for universal values at home and around the world; and

• An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace, security, and oppor-

tunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.

Currently, the United States is focused on implementing a responsible transition as we end the war in

Iraq, succeeding in Afghanistan, and defeating al-Qa’ida and its terrorist aliates, while moving our

economy from catastrophic recession to lasting recovery. As we confront these crises, our national

strategy must take a longer view. We must build a stronger foundation for American leadership and

work to better shape the outcomes that are most fundamental to our people in the 21st century.

The Strategic Environment—The World as It Is

In the two decades since the end of the Cold War, the free ow of information, people, goods and services

has accelerated at an unprecedented rate. This interconnection has empowered individuals for good

and ill, and challenged state based international institutions that were largely designed in the wake of

World War II by policymakers who had di erent challenges in mind. Nonstate actors can have a dramatic

inuence on the world around them. Economic growth has alleviated poverty and led to new centers of

inuence. More nations are asserting themselves regionally and globally. The lives of our citizens —their

safety and prosperity—are more bound than ever to events beyond our borders.

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Within this environment, the attacks of September 11, 2001, were a transformative event for the United

States, demonstrating just how much trends far beyond our shores could directly endanger the personal

safety of the American people. The attacks put into sharp focus America’s position as the sole global

superpower, the dangers of violent extremism, and the simmering conicts that followed the peaceful

conclusion of the Cold War. And they drew a swift and forceful response from the United States and

our allies and partners in Afghanistan. This response was followed by our decision to go to war in Iraq,

and the ensuing years have seen America’s forces, resources, and national security strategy focused on

these conicts.

The United States is now ghting two wars with many thousands of our men and women deployed in

harm’s way, and hundreds of billions of dollars dedicated to funding these conicts. In Iraq, we are sup-

porting a transition of responsibility to the sovereign Iraqi Government. We are supporting the security

and prosperity of our partners in Afghanistan and Pakistan as part of a broader campaign to disrupt,

dismantle, and defeat al-Qa’ida and its violent extremist aliates.

Yet these wars—and our global e orts to successfully counter violent extremism—are only one ele-

ment of our strategic environment and cannot dene America’s engagement with the world. Terrorism

is one of many threats that are more consequential in a global age. The gravest danger to the American

people and global security continues to come from weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear

weapons. The space and cyberspace capabilities that power our daily lives and military operations are

vulnerable to disruption and attack. Dependence upon fossil fuels constrains our options and pollutes

our environment. Climate change and pandemic disease threaten the security of regions and the health

and safety of the American people. Failing states breed conict and endanger regional and global

security. Global criminal networks foment insecurity abroad and bring people and goods across our

own borders that threaten our people.

The global economy is being reshaped by innovation, emerging economies, transition to low-carbon

energy, and recovery from a catastrophic recession. The convergence of wealth and living standards

among developed and emerging economies holds out the promise of more balanced global growth, but

dramatic inequality persists within and among nations. Profound cultural and demographic tensions,

rising demand for resources, and rapid urbanization could reshape single countries and entire regions.

As the world grows more interconnected, more individuals are gaining awareness of their universal

rights and have the capacity to pursue them. Democracies that respect the rights of their people remain

successful states and America’s most steadfast allies. Yet the advance of democracy and human rights

has stalled in many parts of the world.

More actors exert power and inuence. Europe is now more united, free, and at peace than ever before.

The European Union has deepened its integration. Russia has reemerged in the international arena as a

strong voice. China and India—the world’s two most populous nations—are becoming more engaged

globally. From Latin America to Africa to the Pacic, new and emerging powers hold out opportunities

for partnership, even as a handful of states endanger regional and global security by outing interna-

tional norms. International institutions play a critical role in facilitating cooperation, but at times cannot

e ectively address new threats or seize new opportunities. Meanwhile, individuals, corporations, and

civil society play an increasingly important role in shaping events around the world.

II . ST R ATEG I C A P P ROACH

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The United States retains the strengths that have enabled our leadership for many decades. Our society

is exceptional in its openness, vast diversity, resilience, and engaged citizenry. Our private sector and

civil society exhibit enormous ingenuity and innovation, and our workers are capable and dedicated.

We have the world’s largest economy and most powerful military, strong alliances and a vibrant cultural

appeal, and a history of leadership in economic and social development. We continue to be a destination

that is sought out by immigrants from around the world, who enrich our society. We have a transparent,

accountable democracy and a dynamic and productive populace with deep connections to peoples

around the world. And we continue to embrace a set of values that have enabled liberty and opportunity

at home and abroad.

Now, the very uidity within the international system that breeds new challenges must be approached

as an opportunity to forge new international cooperation. We must rebalance our long-term priorities so

that we successfully move beyond today’s wars, and focus our attention and resources on a broader set

of countries and challenges. We must seize on the opportunities a orded by the world’s interconnection,

while responding e ectively and comprehensively to its dangers. And we must take advantage of the

unparalleled connections that America’s Government, private sector, and citizens have around the globe.

The Strategic Approach—The World We Seek

In the past, the United States has thrived when both our nation and our national security policy have

adapted to shape change instead of being shaped by it. For instance, as the industrial revolution took

hold, America transformed our economy and our role in the world. When the world was confronted by

fascism, America prepared itself to win a war and to shape the peace that followed. When the United

States encountered an ideological, economic, and military threat from communism, we shaped our

practices and institutions at home—and policies abroad—to meet this challenge. Now, we must once

again position the United States to champion mutual interests among nations and peoples.

Building Our Foundation

Our national security begins at home. What takes place within our borders has always been the source

of our strength, and this is even truer in an age of interconnection.

First and foremost, we must renew the foundation of America’s strength. In the long run, the welfare

of the American people will determine America’s strength in the world, particularly at a time when our

own economy is inextricably linked to the global economy. Our prosperity serves as a wellspring for

our power. It pays for our military, underwrites our diplomacy and development e orts, and serves as

a leading source of our inuence in the world. Moreover, our trade and investment supports millions

of American jobs, forges links among countries, spurs global development, and contributes to a stable

and peaceful political and economic environment.

Yet even as we have maintained our military advantage, our competitiveness has been set back in recent

years. We are recovering from underinvestment in the areas that are central to America’s strength. We

have not adequately advanced priorities like education, energy, science and technology, and health

care—all of which are essential to U.S. competitiveness, long-term prosperity, and strength. Years of

rising scal and trade decits will also necessitate hard choices in the years ahead.

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That is why we are rebuilding our economy so that it will serve as an engine of opportunity for the

American people, and a source of American inuence abroad. The United States must ensure that we

have the world’s best-educated workforce, a private sector that fosters innovation, and citizens and busi-

nesses that can access a ordable health care to compete in a globalized economy. We must transform

the way that we use energy—diversifying supplies, investing in innovation, and deploying clean energy

technologies. By doing so, we will enhance energy security, create jobs, and ght climate change.

Rebuilding our economy must include putting ourselves on a scally sustainable path. As such, imple-

menting our national security strategy will require a disciplined approach to setting priorities and mak-

ing tradeo s among competing programs and activities. Taken together, these e orts will position our

nation for success in the global marketplace, while also supporting our national security capacity—the

strength of our military, intelligence, diplomacy and development, and the security and resilience of

our homeland.

We are now moving beyond traditional distinctions between homeland and national security. National

security draws on the strength and resilience of our citizens, communities, and economy. This includes a

determination to prevent terrorist attacks against the American people by fully coordinating the actions

that we take abroad with the actions and precautions that we take at home. It must also include a com-

mitment to building a more secure and resilient nation, while maintaining open ows of goods and

people. We will continue to develop the capacity to address the threats and hazards that confront us,

while redeveloping our infrastructure to secure our people and work cooperatively with other nations.

America’s example is also a critical component of our foundation. The human rights which America has

stood for since our founding have enabled our leadership, provided a source of inspiration for peoples

around the world, and drawn a clear contrast between the United States and our democratic allies, and

those nations and individuals that deny or suppress human rights. Our e orts to live our own values,

and uphold the principles of democracy in our own society, underpin our support for the aspirations of

the oppressed abroad, who know they can turn to America for leadership based on justice and hope.

Our moral leadership is grounded principally in the power of our example—not through an e ort to

impose our system on other peoples. Yet over the years, some methods employed in pursuit of our

security have compromised our delity to the values that we promote, and our leadership on their

behalf. This undercuts our ability to support democratic movements abroad, challenge nations that

violate international human rights norms, and apply our broader leadership for good in the world.

That is why we will lead on behalf of our values by living them. Our struggle to stay true to our values

and Constitution has always been a lodestar, both to the American people and to those who share our

aspiration for human dignity.

Our values have allowed us to draw the best and brightest to our shores, to inspire those who share our

cause abroad, and to give us the credibility to stand up to tyranny. America must demonstrate through

words and deeds the resilience of our values and Constitution. For if we compromise our values in pur-

suit of security, we will undermine both; if we fortify them, we will sustain a key source of our strength

and leadership in the world—one that sets us apart from our enemies and our potential competitors.

II . ST R ATEG I C A P P ROACH

★ ★

Pursuing Comprehensive Engagement

Our foundation will support our e orts to engage nations, institutions, and peoples around the world

on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect.

Engagement is the active participation of the United States in relationships beyond our borders. It is,

quite simply, the opposite of a self-imposed isolation that denies us the ability to shape outcomes.

Indeed, America has never succeeded through isolationism. As the nation that helped to build our

international system after World War II and to bring about the globalization that came with the end of

the Cold War, we must reengage the world on a comprehensive and sustained basis.

Engagement begins with our closest friends and allies—from Europe to Asia; from North America to

the Middle East. These nations share a common history of struggle on behalf of security, prosperity, and

democracy. They share common values and a common commitment to international norms that recog-

nize both the rights and responsibilities of all sovereign nations. America’s national security depends on

these vibrant alliances, and we must engage them as active partners in addressing global and regional

security priorities and harnessing new opportunities to advance common interests. For instance, we

pursue close and regular collaboration with our close allies the United Kingdom, France, and Germany

on issues of mutual and global concern.

We will continue to deepen our cooperation with other 21st century centers of inuence—including

China, India, and Russia—on the basis of mutual interests and mutual respect. We will also pursue

diplomacy and development that supports the emergence of new and successful partners, from the

Americas to Africa; from the Middle East to Southeast Asia. Our ability to advance constructive coopera-

tion is essential to the security and prosperity of specic regions, and to facilitating global cooperation on

issues ranging from violent extremism and nuclear proliferation, to climate change, and global economic

instability—issues that challenge all nations, but that no one nation alone can meet.

To adversarial governments, we o er a clear choice: abide by international norms, and achieve the

political and economic benets that come with greater integration with the international community;

or refuse to accept this pathway, and bear the consequences of that decision, including greater isolation.

Through engagement, we can create opportunities to resolve di erences, strengthen the international

community’s support for our actions, learn about the intentions and nature of closed regimes, and plainly

demonstrate to the publics within those nations that their governments are to blame for their isolation.

Successful engagement will depend upon the e ective use and integration of di erent elements of

American power. Our diplomacy and development capabilities must help prevent conict, spur eco-

nomic growth, strengthen weak and failing states, lift people out of poverty, combat climate change

and epidemic disease, and strengthen institutions of democratic governance. Our military will continue

strengthening its capacity to partner with foreign counterparts, train and assist security forces, and

pursue military-to-military ties with a broad range of governments. We will continue to foster economic

and nancial transactions to advance our shared prosperity. And our intelligence and law enforcement

agencies must cooperate e ectively with foreign governments to anticipate events, respond to crises,

and provide safety and security.

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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Finally, we will pursue engagement among peoples—not just governments—around the world. The

United States Government will make a sustained e ort to engage civil society and citizens and facilitate

increased connections among the American people and peoples around the world—through e orts

ranging from public service and educational exchanges, to increased commerce and private sector

partnerships. In many instances, these modes of engagement have a powerful and enduring impact

beyond our borders, and are a cost-e ective way of projecting a positive vision of American leadership.

Time and again, we have seen that the best ambassadors for American values and interests are the

American people—our businesses, nongovernmental organizations, scientists, athletes, artists, military

service members, and students.

Facilitating increased international engagement outside of government will help prepare our country

to thrive in a global economy, while building the goodwill and relationships that are invaluable to sus-

taining American leadership. It also helps leverage strengths that are unique to America—our diversity

and diaspora populations, our openness and creativity, and the values that our people embody in their

own lives.

Promoting a Just and Sustainable International Order

Our engagement will underpin a just and sustainable international order—just, because it advances

mutual interests, protects the rights of all, and holds accountable those who refuse to meet their

responsibilities; sustainable because it is based on broadly shared norms and fosters collective action

to address common challenges.

This engagement will pursue an international order that recognizes the rights and responsibilities of all

nations. As we did after World War II, we must pursue a rules-based international system that can advance

our own interests by serving mutual interests. International institutions must be more e ective and

representative of the di usion of inuence in the 21st century. Nations must have incentives to behave

responsibly, or be isolated when they do not. The test of this international order must be the cooperation

it facilitates and the results it generates—the ability of nations to come together to confront common

challenges like violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, climate change, and a changing global economy.

That is precisely the reason we should strengthen enforcement of international law and our commit-

ment to engage and modernize international institutions and frameworks. Those nations that refuse

to meet their responsibilities will forsake the opportunities that come with international cooperation.

Credible and e ective alternatives to military action—from sanctions to isolation—must be strong

enough to change behavior, just as we must reinforce our alliances and our military capabilities. And if

nations challenge or undermine an international order that is based upon rights and responsibilities,

they must nd themselves isolated.

We succeeded in the post-World War II era by pursuing our interests within multilateral forums like the

United Nations—not outside of them. We recognized that institutions that aggregated the national inter-

ests of many nations would never be perfect; but we also saw that they were an indispensable vehicle

for pooling international resources and enforcing international norms. Indeed, the basis for international

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

cooperation since World War II has been an architecture of international institutions, organizations,

regimes, and standards that establishes certain rights and responsibilities for all sovereign nations.

In recent years America’s frustration with international institutions has led us at times to engage the

United Nations (U.N.) system on an ad hoc basis. But in a world of transnational challenges, the United

States will need to invest in strengthening the international system, working from inside interna-

tional institutions and frameworks to face their imperfections head on and to mobilize transnational

cooperation.

We must be clear-eyed about the factors that have impeded e ectiveness in the past. In order for collec-

tive action to be mobilized, the polarization that persists across region, race, and religion will need to be

replaced by a galvanizing sense of shared interest. Swift and e ective international action often turns on

the political will of coalitions of countries that comprise regional or international institutions. New and

emerging powers who seek greater voice and representation will need to accept greater responsibility

for meeting global challenges. When nations breach agreed international norms, the countries who

espouse those norms must be convinced to band together to enforce them.

We will expand our support to modernizing institutions and arrangements such as the evolution of the

G-8 to the G-20 to reect the realities of today’s international environment. Working with the institutions

and the countries that comprise them, we will enhance international capacity to prevent conict, spur

economic growth, improve security, combat climate change, and address the challenges posed by weak

and failing states. And we will challenge and assist international institutions and frameworks to reform

when they fail to live up to their promise. Strengthening the legitimacy and authority of international

law and institutions, especially the U.N., will require a constant struggle to improve performance.

Furthermore, our international order must recognize the increasing inuence of individuals in today’s

world. There must be opportunities for civil society to thrive within nations and to forge connections

among them. And there must be opportunities for individuals and the private sector to play a major role

in addressing common challenges—whether supporting a nuclear fuel bank, promoting global health,

fostering entrepreneurship, or exposing violations of universal rights. In the 21st century, the ability of

individuals and nongovernment actors to play a positive role in shaping the international environment

represents a distinct opportunity for the United States.

Within this context, we know that an international order where every nation upholds its rights and

responsibilities will remain elusive. Force will sometimes be necessary to confront threats. Technology

will continue to bring with it new dangers. Poverty and disease will not be completely abolished.

Oppression will always be with us. But if we recognize these challenges, embrace America’s responsibil-

ity to confront them with its partners, and forge new cooperative approaches to get others to join us

in overcoming them, then the international order of a globalized age can better advance our interests

and the common interests of nations and peoples everywhere.

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

Strengthening National Capacity—A Whole of Government Approach

To succeed, we must update, balance, and integrate all of the tools of American power and work with our

allies and partners to do the same. Our military must maintain its conventional superiority and, as long as

nuclear weapons exist, our nuclear deterrent capability, while continuing to enhance its capacity to defeat

asymmetric threats, preserve access to the global commons, and strengthen partners. We must invest

in diplomacy and development capabilities and institutions in a way that complements and reinforces

our global partners. Our intelligence capabilities must continuously evolve to identify and characterize

conventional and asymmetric threats and provide timely insight. And we must integrate our approach to

homeland security with our broader national security approach.

We are improving the integration of skills and capabilities within our military and civilian institutions, so

they complement each other and operate seamlessly. We are also improving coordinated planning and

policymaking and must build our capacity in key areas where we fall short. This requires close coopera-

tion with Congress and a deliberate and inclusive interagency process, so that we achieve integration of

our e orts to implement and monitor operations, policies, and strategies. To initiate this e ort, the White

House merged the sta s of the National Security Council and Homeland Security Council.

However, work remains to foster coordination across departments and agencies. Key steps include more

e ectively ensuring alignment of resources with our national security strategy, adapting the education and

training of national security professionals to equip them to meet modern challenges, reviewing authorities

and mechanisms to implement and coordinate assistance programs, and other policies and programs that

strengthen coordination.

• Defense: We are strengthening our military to ensure that it can prevail in today’s wars; to prevent and

deter threats against the United States, its interests, and our allies and partners; and prepare to defend

the United States in a wide range of contingencies against state and nonstate actors. We will continue to

rebalance our military capabilities to excel at counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, stability operations,

and meeting increasingly sophisticated security threats, while ensuring our force is ready to address

the full range of military operations. This includes preparing for increasingly sophisticated adversaries,

deterring and defeating aggression in anti-access environments, and defending the United States and

supporting civil authorities at home. The most valuable component of our national defense is the men

and women who make up America’s all-volunteer force. They have shown tremendous resilience, adapt-

ability, and capacity for innovation, and we will provide our service members with the resources that

they need to succeed and rededicate ourselves to providing support and care for wounded warriors,

veterans, and military families. We must set the force on a path to sustainable deployment cycles and

preserve and enhance the long-term viability of our force through successful recruitment, retention,

and recognition of those who serve.

• Diplomacy: Diplomacy is as fundamental to our national security as our defense capability. Our diplo-

mats are the rst line of engagement, listening to our partners, learning from them, building respect for

one another, and seeking common ground. Diplomats, development experts, and others in the United

States Government must be able to work side by side to support a common agenda. New skills are

needed to foster e ective interaction to convene, connect, and mobilize not only other governments

and international organizations, but also nonstate actors such as corporations, foundations, nongovern-

mental organizations, universities, think tanks, and faith-based organizations, all of whom increasingly

have a distinct role to play on both diplomatic and development issues. To accomplish these goals our

TABLE OF CO N TENTS

★ ★

diplomatic personnel and missions must be expanded at home and abroad to support the increasingly

transnational nature of 21st century security challenges. And we must provide the appropriate authori-

ties and mechanisms to implement and coordinate assistance programs and grow the civilian expedi-

tionary capacity required to assist governments on a diverse array of issues.

• Economic: Our economic institutions are crucial components of our national capacity and our economic

instruments are the bedrock of sustainable national growth, prosperity and inuence. The Oce of

Management and Budget, Departments of the Treasury, State, Commerce, Energy, and Agriculture,

United States Trade Representative, Federal Reserve Board, and other institutions help manage our

currency, trade, foreign investment, decit, ination, productivity, and national competitiveness.

Remaining a vibrant 21st century economic power also requires close cooperation between and

among developed nations and emerging markets because of the interdependent nature of the global

economy. America—like other nations—is dependent upon overseas markets to sell its exports and

maintain access to scarce commodities and resources. Thus, nding overlapping mutual economic

interests with other nations and maintaining those economic relationships are key elements of our

national security strategy.

• Development: Development is a strategic, economic, and moral imperative. We are focusing on assist-

ing developing countries and their people to manage security threats, reap the benets of global

economic expansion, and set in place accountable and democratic institutions that serve basic human

needs. Through an aggressive and armative development agenda and commensurate resources,

we can strengthen the regional partners we need to help us stop conicts and counter global criminal

networks; build a stable, inclusive global economy with new sources of prosperity; advance democracy

and human rights; and ultimately position ourselves to better address key global challenges by growing

the ranks of prosperous, capable, and democratic states that can be our partners in the decades ahead.

To do this, we are expanding our civilian development capability; engaging with international nancial

institutions that leverage our resources and advance our objectives; pursuing a development budget

that more deliberately reects our policies and our strategy, not sector earmarks; and ensuring that our

policy instruments are aligned in support of development objectives.

• Homeland Security: Homeland security traces its roots to traditional and historic functions of govern-

ment and society, such as civil defense, emergency response, law enforcement, customs, border patrol,

and immigration. In the aftermath of 9/11 and the foundation of the Department of Homeland Security,

these functions have taken on new organization and urgency. Homeland security, therefore, strives to

adapt these traditional functions to confront new threats and evolving hazards. It is not simply about

government action alone, but rather about the collective strength of the entire country. Our approach

relies on our shared e orts to identify and interdict threats; deny hostile actors the ability to operate

within our borders; maintain e ective control of our physical borders; safeguard lawful trade and travel

into and out of the United States; disrupt and dismantle transnational terrorist, and criminal organiza-

tions; and ensure our national resilience in the face of the threat and hazards. Taken together, these

e orts must support a homeland that is safe and secure from terrorism and other hazards and in which

American interests, aspirations, and way of life can thrive.

• Intelligence: Our country’s safety and prosperity depend on the quality of the intelligence we collect

and the analysis we produce, our ability to evaluate and share this information in a timely manner,

and our ability to counter intelligence threats. This is as true for the strategic intelligence that informs

executive decisions as it is for intelligence support to homeland security, state, local, and tribal govern-

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

ments, our troops, and critical national missions. We are working to better integrate the Intelligence

Community, while also enhancing the capabilities of our Intelligence Community members. We are

strengthening our partnerships with foreign intelligence services and sustaining strong ties with our

close allies. And we continue to invest in the men and women of the Intelligence Community.

• Strategic Communications: Across all of our e orts, e ective strategic communications are essential to

sustaining global legitimacy and supporting our policy aims. Aligning our actions with our words is a

shared responsibility that must be fostered by a culture of communication throughout government.

We must also be more e ective in our deliberate communication and engagement and do a better job

understanding the attitudes, opinions, grievances, and concerns of peoples—not just elites—around

the world. Doing so allows us to convey credible, consistent messages and to develop e ective plans,

while better understanding how our actions will be perceived. We must also use a broad range of meth-

ods for communicating with foreign publics, including new media.

• The American People and the Private Sector: The ideas, values, energy, creativity, and resilience of our

citizens are America’s greatest resource. We will support the development of prepared, vigilant, and

engaged communities and underscore that our citizens are the heart of a resilient country. And we

must tap the ingenuity outside government through strategic partnerships with the private sector,

nongovernmental organizations, foundations, and community-based organizations. Such partnerships

are critical to U.S. success at home and abroad, and we will support them through enhanced opportuni-

ties for engagement, coordination, transparency, and information sharing.

★ ★

III. Advancing Our Interests

To achieve the world we seek, the United States must apply our strategic approach in pursuit of four

enduring national interests:

• Security: The security of the United States, its citizens, and U.S. allies and partners.

• Prosperity: A strong, innovative, and growing U.S. economy in an open international economic

system that promotes opportunity and prosperity.

• Values: Respect for universal values at home and around the world.

• International Order: An international order advanced by U.S. leadership that promotes peace,

security, and opportunity through stronger cooperation to meet global challenges.

Each of these interests is inextricably linked to the others: no single interest can be pursued in isolation,

but at the same time, positive action in one area will help advance all four. The initiatives described

below do not encompass all of America’s national security concerns. However, they represent areas of

particular priority and areas where progress is critical to securing our country and renewing American

leadership in the years to come.

Security

“We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense. And for those

who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to

you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken—you cannot outlast us, and we

will defeat you.”

—President Barack Obama, Inaugural Address, January 20, 2009

—

The threats to our people, our homeland, and our interests have shifted dramatically in the last 20 years.

Competition among states endures, but instead of a single nuclear adversary, the United States is now

threatened by the potential spread of nuclear weapons to extremists who may not be deterred from

using them. Instead of a hostile expansionist empire, we now face a diverse array of challenges, from

a loose network of violent extremists to states that out international norms or face internal collapse.

In addition to facing enemies on traditional battleelds, the United States must now be prepared for

asymmetric threats, such as those that target our reliance on space and cyberspace.

This Administration has no greater responsibility than protecting the American people. Furthermore,

we embrace America’s unique responsibility to promote international security—a responsibility that

ows from our commitments to allies, our leading role in supporting a just and sustainable international

order, and our unmatched military capabilities.

The United States remains the only nation able to project and sustain large-scale military operations

over extended distances. We maintain superior capabilities to deter and defeat adaptive enemies and

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

to ensure the credibility of security partnerships that are fundamental to regional and global security.

In this way, our military continues to underpin our national security and global leadership, and when

we use it appropriately, our security and leadership is reinforced. But when we overuse our military

might, or fail to invest in or deploy complementary tools, or act without partners, then our military is

overstretched, Americans bear a greater burden, and our leadership around the world is too narrowly

identied with military force. And we know that our enemies aim to overextend our Armed Forces and

to drive wedges between us and those who share our interests.

Therefore, we must continue to adapt and rebalance our instruments of statecraft. At home, we are inte-

grating our homeland security e orts seamlessly with other aspects of our national security approach,

and strengthening our preparedness and resilience. Abroad, we are strengthening alliances, forging new

partnerships, and using every tool of American power to advance our objectives—including enhanced

diplomatic and development capabilities with the ability both to prevent conict and to work alongside

our military. We are strengthening international norms to isolate governments that out them and to

marshal cooperation against nongovernmental actors who endanger our common security.

Strengthen Security and Resilience at Home

At home, the United States is pursuing a strategy capable of meeting the full range of threats and

hazards to our communities. These threats and hazards include terrorism, natural disasters, large-scale

cyber attacks, and pandemics. As we do everything within our power to prevent these dangers, we

also recognize that we will not be able to deter or prevent every single threat. That is why we must also

enhance our resilience—the ability to adapt to changing conditions and prepare for, withstand, and

rapidly recover from disruption. To keep Americans safe and secure at home, we are working to:

Enhance Security at Home: Security at home relies on our shared e orts to prevent and deter attacks

by identifying and interdicting threats, denying hostile actors the ability to operate within our borders,

protecting the nation’s critical infrastructure and key resources, and securing cyberspace. That is why

we are pursuing initiatives to protect and reduce vulnerabilities in critical infrastructure, at our borders,

ports, and airports, and to enhance overall air, maritime, transportation, and space and cyber security.

Building on this foundation, we recognize that the global systems that carry people, goods, and data

around the globe also facilitate the movement of dangerous people, goods, and data. Within these

systems of transportation and transaction, there are key nodes—for example, points of origin and

transfer, or border crossings—that represent opportunities for exploitation and interdiction. Thus, we

are working with partners abroad to confront threats that often begin beyond our borders. And we are

developing lines of coordination at home across Federal, state, local, tribal, territorial, nongovernmental,

and private-sector partners, as well as individuals and communities.

E ectively Manage Emergencies: We are building our capability to prepare for disasters to reduce or

eliminate long-term e ects to people and their property from hazards and to respond to and recover

from major incidents. To improve our preparedness, we are integrating domestic all hazards planning

at all levels of government and building key capabilities to respond to emergencies. We continue to

collaborate with communities to ensure preparedness e orts are integrated at all levels of government

with the private and nonprot sectors. We are investing in operational capabilities and equipment, and

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

improving the reliability and interoperability of communications systems for rst responders. We are

encouraging domestic regional planning and integrated preparedness programs and will encourage

government at all levels to engage in long-term recovery planning. It is critical that we continually test

and improve plans using exercises that are realistic in scenario and consequences.

Empowering Communities to Counter Radicalization: Several recent incidences of violent extremists

in the United States who are committed to ghting here and abroad have underscored the threat to

the United States and our interests posed by individuals radicalized at home. Our best defenses against

this threat are well informed and equipped families, local communities, and institutions. The Federal

Government will invest in intelligence to understand this threat and expand community engagement

and development programs to empower local communities. And the Federal Government, drawing

on the expertise and resources from all relevant agencies, will clearly communicate our policies and

intentions, listening to local concerns, tailoring policies to address regional concerns, and making clear

that our diversity is part of our strength—not a source of division or insecurity.

Improve Resilience Through Increased Public-Private Partnerships: When incidents occur, we must show

resilience by maintaining critical operations and functions, returning to our normal life, and learning

from disasters so that their lessons can be translated into pragmatic changes when necessary. The

private sector, which owns and operates most of the nation’s critical infrastructure, plays a vital role in

preparing for and recovering from disasters. We must, therefore, strengthen public-private partnerships

by developing incentives for government and the private sector to design structures and systems that

can withstand disruptions and mitigate associated consequences, ensure redundant systems where

necessary to maintain the ability to operate, decentralize critical operations to reduce our vulnerability

to single points of disruption, develop and test continuity plans to ensure the ability to restore critical

capabilities, and invest in improvements and maintenance of existing infrastructure.

Engage with Communities and Citizens: We will emphasize individual and community preparedness

and resilience through frequent engagement that provides clear and reliable risk and emergency

information to the public. A key part of this e ort is providing practical steps that all Americans can

take to protect themselves, their families, and their neighbors. This includes transmitting information

through multiple pathways and to those with special needs. In addition, we support e orts to develop

a nationwide public safety broadband network. Our e orts to inform and empower Americans and their

communities recognize that resilience has always been at the heart of the American spirit.

Disrupt, Dismantle, and Defeat Al-Qa’ida and its Violent Extremist Aliates in

Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Around the World

The United States is waging a global campaign against al-Qa’ida and its terrorist aliates. To disrupt,

dismantle and defeat al-Qa’ida and its aliates, we are pursuing a strategy that protects our homeland,

secures the world’s most dangerous weapons and material, denies al-Qa’ida safe haven, and builds

positive partnerships with Muslim communities around the world. Success requires a broad, sustained,

and integrated campaign that judiciously applies every tool of American power—both military and

civilian—as well as the concerted e orts of like-minded states and multilateral institutions.

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

We will always seek to delegitimize the use of terrorism and to isolate those who carry it out. Yet this is

not a global war against a tactic—terrorism or a religion—Islam. We are at war with a specic network,

al-Qa’ida, and its terrorist aliates who support e orts to attack the United States, our allies, and partners.

Prevent Attacks on and in the Homeland: To prevent acts of terrorism on American soil, we must enlist

all of our intelligence, law enforcement, and homeland security capabilities. We will continue to inte-

grate and leverage state and major urban area fusion centers that have the capability to share classied

information; establish a nationwide framework for reporting suspicious activity; and implement an

integrated approach to our counterterrorism information systems to ensure that the analysts, agents,

and ocers who protect us have access to all relevant intelligence throughout the government. We

are improving information sharing and cooperation by linking networks to facilitate Federal, state, and

local capabilities to seamlessly exchange messages and information, conduct searches, and collaborate.

We are coordinating better with foreign partners to identify, track, limit access to funding, and prevent

terrorist travel. Recognizing the inextricable link between domestic and transnational security, we will

collaborate bilaterally, regionally, and through international institutions to promote global e orts to

prevent terrorist attacks.

Strengthen Aviation Security: We know that the aviation system has been a particular target of al-Qa’ida

and its aliates. We must continue to bolster aviation security worldwide through a focus on increased

information collection and sharing, stronger passenger vetting and screening measures, the develop-

ment and development of advanced screening technologies, and cooperation with the international

community to strengthen aviation security standards and e orts around the world.

Deny Terrorists Weapons of Mass Destruction: To prevent acts of terrorism with the world’s most danger-

ous weapons, we are dramatically accelerating and intensifying e orts to secure all vulnerable nuclear

materials by the end of 2013, and to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. We will also take actions

to safeguard knowledge and capabilities in the life and chemical sciences that could be vulnerable to

misuse.

Deny Al-Qa’ida the Ability to Threaten the American People, Our Allies, Our Partners and Our Interests

Overseas: Al-Qa’ida and its allies must not be permitted to gain or retain any capacity to plan and launch

international terrorist attacks, especially against the U.S. homeland. Al Qa’ida’s core in Pakistan remains

the most dangerous component of the larger network, but we also face a growing threat from the

group’s allies worldwide. We must deny these groups the ability to conduct operational plotting from

any locale, or to recruit, train, and position operatives, including those from Europe and North America.

Afghanistan and Pakistan: This is the epicenter of the violent extremism practiced by al Qa’ida. The

danger from this region will only grow if its security slides backward, the Taliban controls large swaths of

Afghanistan, and al-Qa’ida is allowed to operate with impunity. To prevent future attacks on the United

States, our allies, and partners, we must work with others to keep the pressure on al-Qa’ida and increase

the security and capacity of our partners in this region.

In Afghanistan, we must deny al-Qa’ida a safe haven, deny the Taliban the ability to overthrow the gov-

ernment, and strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan’s security forces and government so that they can

take lead responsibility for Afghanistan’s future. Within Pakistan, we are working with the government

to address the local, regional, and global threat from violent extremists.

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

We will achieve these objectives with a strategy comprised of three components.

• First, our military and International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) partners within Afghanistan

are targeting the insurgency, working to secure key population centers, and increasing e orts

to train Afghan security forces. These military resources will allow us to create the conditions to

transition to Afghan responsibility. In July 2011, we will begin reducing our troops responsibly,

taking into account conditions on the ground. We will continue to advise and assist Afghanistan’s

Security Forces so that they can succeed over the long term.

• Second, we will continue to work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghan

Government to improve accountable and e ective governance. As we work to advance our

strategic partnership with the Afghan Government, we are focusing assistance on supporting

the President of Afghanistan and those ministries, governors, and local leaders who combat

corruption and deliver for the people. Our e orts will be based upon performance, and we will

measure progress. We will also target our assistance to areas that can make an immediate and

enduring impact in the lives of the Afghan people, such as agriculture, while supporting the

human rights of all of Afghanistan’s people—women and men. This will support our long-term

commitment to a relationship between our two countries that supports a strong, stable, and

prosperous Afghanistan.

• Third, we will foster a relationship with Pakistan founded upon mutual interests and mutual

respect. To defeat violent extremists who threaten both of our countries, we will strengthen

Pakistan’s capacity to target violent extremists within its borders, and continue to provide

security assistance to support those e orts. To strengthen Pakistan’s democracy and develop-

ment, we will provide substantial assistance responsive to the needs of the Pakistani people,

and sustain a long-term partnership committed to Pakistan’s future. The strategic partnership

that we are developing with Pakistan includes deepening cooperation in a broad range of

areas, addressing both security and civilian challenges, and we will continue to expand those

ties through our engagement with Pakistan in the years to come.

Deny Safe Havens and Strengthen At-Risk States: Wherever al-Qa’ida or its terrorist aliates attempt

to establish a safe haven—as they have in Yemen, Somalia, the Maghreb, and the Sahel—we will meet

them with growing pressure. We also will strengthen our own network of partners to disable al-Qa’ida’s

nancial, human, and planning networks; disrupt terrorist operations before they mature; and address

potential safe-havens before al-Qa’ida and its terrorist aliates can take root. These e orts will focus on

information-sharing, law enforcement cooperation, and establishing new practices to counter evolving

adversaries. We will also help states avoid becoming terrorist safe havens by helping them build their

capacity for responsible governance and security through development and security sector assistance.

Deliver Swift and Sure Justice: To e ectively detain, interrogate, and prosecute terrorists, we need

durable legal approaches consistent with our security and our values. We adhere to several principles:

we will leverage all available information and intelligence to disrupt attacks and dismantle al-Qa’ida and

aliated terrorist organizations; we will bring terrorists to justice; we will act in line with the rule of law

and due process; we will submit decisions to checks and balances and accountability; and we will insist

that matters of detention and secrecy are addressed in a manner consistent with our Constitution and

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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laws. To deny violent extremists one of their most potent recruitment tools, we will close the prison at

Guantanamo Bay.

Resist Fear and Overreaction: The goal of those who perpetrate terrorist attacks is in part to sow fear. If we

respond with fear, we allow violent extremists to succeed far beyond the initial impact of their attacks, or

attempted attacks—altering our society and enlarging the standing of al-Qa’ida and its terrorist aliates

far beyond its actual reach. Similarly, overreacting in a way that creates ssures between America and

certain regions or religions will undercut our leadership and make us less safe.

Contrast Al-Qa’ida’s Intent to Destroy with Our Constructive Vision: While violent extremists seek to

destroy, we will make clear our intent to build. We are striving to build bridges among people of di erent

faiths and regions. We will continue to work to resolve the Arab-Israeli conict, which has long been a

source of tension. We will continue to stand up for the universal rights of all people, even for those with

whom we disagree. We are developing new partnerships in Muslim communities around the world on

behalf of health, education, science, employment, and innovation. And through our broader emphasis

on Muslim engagement, we will communicate our commitment to support the aspirations of all people

for security and opportunity. Finally, we reject the notion that al-Qa’ida represents any religious author-

ity. They are not religious leaders, they are killers; and neither Islam nor any other religion condones the

slaughter of innocents.

Use of Force

Military force, at times, may be necessary to defend our country and allies or to preserve broader peace

and security, including by protecting civilians facing a grave humanitarian crisis. We will draw on diplo-

macy, development, and international norms and institutions to help resolve disagreements, prevent

conict, and maintain peace, mitigating where possible the need for the use of force. This means credibly

underwriting U.S. defense commitments with tailored approaches to deterrence and ensuring the U.S.

military continues to have the necessary capabilities across all domains—land, air, sea, space, and cyber. It

also includes helping our allies and partners build capacity to fulll their responsibilities to contribute to

regional and global security.

While the use of force is sometimes necessary, we will exhaust other options before war whenever we can,

and carefully weigh the costs and risks of action against the costs and risks of inaction. When force is neces-

sary, we will continue to do so in a way that reects our values and strengthens our legitimacy, and we will

seek broad international support, working with such institutions as NATO and the U.N. Security Council.

The United States must reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend our nation and our inter-

ests, yet we will also seek to adhere to standards that govern the use of force. Doing so strengthens those

who act in line with international standards, while isolating and weakening those who do not. We will also

outline a clear mandate and specic objectives and thoroughly consider the consequences —intended

and unintended—of our actions. And the United States will take care when sending the men and women

of our Armed Forces into harm’s way to ensure they have the leadership, training, and equipment they

require to accomplish their mission.

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Reverse the Spread of Nuclear and Biological Weapons and Secure Nuclear

Materials

The American people face no greater or more urgent danger than a terrorist attack with a nuclear

weapon. And international peace and security is threatened by proliferation that could lead to a nuclear

exchange. Indeed, since the end of the Cold War, the risk of a nuclear attack has increased. Excessive

Cold War stockpiles remain. More nations have acquired nuclear weapons. Testing has continued. Black

markets trade in nuclear secrets and materials. Terrorists are determined to buy, build, or steal a nuclear

weapon. Our e orts to contain these dangers are centered in a global nonproliferation regime that has

frayed as more people and nations break the rules.

That is why reversing the spread of nuclear weapons is a top priority. Success depends upon broad

consensus and concerted action, we will move forward strategically on a number of fronts through our

example, our partnerships, and a reinvigorated international regime. The United States will:

Pursue the Goal of a World Without Nuclear Weapons: While this goal will not be reached during this

Administration, its active pursuit and eventual achievement will increase global security, keep our

commitment under the NPT, build our cooperation with Russia and other states, and increase our cred-

ibility to hold others accountable for their obligations. As long as any nuclear weapons exist, the United

States will sustain a safe, secure, and e ective nuclear arsenal, both to deter potential adversaries and

to assure U.S. allies and other security partners that they can count on America’s security commitments.

But we have signed and seek to ratify a landmark New START Treaty with Russia to substantially limit our

deployed nuclear warheads and strategic delivery vehicles, while assuring a comprehensive monitoring

regime. We are reducing the role of nuclear weapons in our national security approach, extending a

negative security assurance not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against those nonnuclear

nations that are in compliance with the NPT and their nuclear nonproliferation obligations, and investing

in the modernization of a safe, secure, and e ective stockpile without the production of new nuclear

weapons. We will pursue ratication of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. And we will seek a new treaty

that veriably ends the production of ssile materials intended for use in nuclear weapons.

Strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty: The basic bargain of the NPT is sound: countries with

nuclear weapons will move toward disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons will forsake

them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear energy. To strengthen the NPT, we will seek more

resources and authority for international inspections. We will develop a new framework for civil nuclear

cooperation. As members of the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership have agreed, one important ele-

ment of an enhanced framework could be cradle-to-grave nuclear fuel management. We will pursue a

broad, international consensus to insist that all nations meet their obligations. And we will also pursue

meaningful consequences for countries that fail to meet their obligations under the NPT or to meet the

requirements for withdrawing from it.

Present a Clear Choice to Iran and North Korea: The United States will pursue the denuclearization of the

Korean peninsula and work to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. This is not about singling

out nations—it is about the responsibilities of all nations and the success of the nonproliferation regime.

Both nations face a clear choice. If North Korea eliminates its nuclear weapons program, and Iran meets

its international obligations on its nuclear program, they will be able to proceed on a path to greater

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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political and economic integration with the international community. If they ignore their international

obligations, we will pursue multiple means to increase their isolation and bring them into compliance

with international nonproliferation norms.

Secure Vulnerable Nuclear Weapons and Material: The Global Nuclear Security Summit of 2010 rallied 47

nations behind the goal of securing all nuclear materials from terrorist groups. By the end of 2013, we

will seek to complete a focused international e ort to secure all vulnerable nuclear material around the

world through enhanced protection and accounting practices, expanded cooperation with and through

international institutions, and new partnerships to lock down these sensitive materials. To detect and

intercept nuclear materials in transit, and to stop the illicit trade in these technologies, we will work to

turn programs such as the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear

Terrorism into durable international e orts. And we will sustain broad-based cooperation with other

nations and international institutions to ensure the continued improvements necessary to protect

nuclear materials from evolving threats.

Support Peaceful Nuclear Energy: As countries move increasingly to tap peaceful nuclear energy to

provide power generation while advancing climate goals, the world must develop an infrastructure

in the countries that seek to use nuclear energy for their energy security needs and climate goals to

ensure that nuclear energy is developed in a safer manner. We will do so by promoting safety through

regulatory bodies and training of operators, promoting physical security to prevent terrorist acts, and

assuring safe and secure handling of fuel at the front and back ends of the nuclear fuel cycle.

Counter Biological Threats: The e ective dissemination of a lethal biological agent within a population

center would endanger the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and have unprecedented eco-

nomic, societal, and political consequences. We must continue to work at home with rst responders

and health ocials to reduce the risk associated with unintentional or deliberate outbreaks of infectious

disease and to strengthen our resilience across the spectrum of high-consequence biological threats.

We will work with domestic and international partners to protect against biological threats by promot-

ing global health security and reinforcing norms of safe and responsible conduct; obtaining timely

and accurate insight on current and emerging risks; taking reasonable steps to reduce the potential

for exploitation; expanding our capability to prevent, attribute, and apprehend those who carry out

attacks; communicating e ectively with all stakeholders; and helping to transform the international

dialogue on biological threats.

Advance Peace, Security, and Opportunity in the Greater Middle East

The United States has important interests in the greater Middle East. They include broad cooperation on

a wide range of issues with our close friend, Israel, and an unshakable commitment to its security; the

achievement of the Palestinian people’s legitimate aspirations for statehood, opportunity, and the real-

ization of their extraordinary potential; the unity and security of Iraq and the fostering of its democracy

and reintegration into the region; the transformation of Iranian policy away from its pursuit of nuclear

weapons, support for terrorism, and threats against its neighbors; nonproliferation; and counterterrorism

cooperation, access to energy, and integration of the region into global markets.

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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At the same time, our engagement must be both comprehensive and strategic. It should extend beyond

near-term threats by appealing to peoples’ aspirations for justice, education, and opportunity and by

pursuing a positive and sustainable vision of U.S. partnership with the region. Furthermore, our relation-

ship with our Israeli and Arab friends and partners in the region extends beyond our commitment to its

security and includes the continued ties we share in areas such as trade, exchanges, and cooperation

on a broad range of issues.

Complete a Responsible Transition as We End the War in Iraq: The war in Iraq presents a distinct and

important challenge to the United States, the international community, the Iraqi people, and the region.

America’s servicemen and women, along with our coalition partners, have performed remarkably in

ghting determined enemies and have worked with our civilians to help the Iraqi people regain control

of their own destiny. Going forward, we have a responsibility, for our own security and the security of

the region, to successfully end the war through a full transition to Iraqi responsibility. We will cultivate

an enduring relationship with Iraq based on mutual interests and mutual respect.

Our goal is an Iraq that is sovereign, stable, and self-reliant. To achieve that goal, we are continuing to

promote an Iraqi Government that is just, representative, and accountable and that denies support and

safe haven to terrorists. The United States will pursue no claim on Iraqi territory or resources, and we

will keep our commitments to Iraq’s democratically elected government. These e orts will build new

ties of trade and commerce between Iraq and the world, enable Iraq to assume its rightful place in the

community of nations, and contribute to the peace and security of the region.

We are pursuing these objectives with a strategy that has three core components.

• Transition Security: First, we are transitioning security to full Iraqi responsibility. We will end the

combat mission in Iraq by the end of August 2010. We will continue to train, equip, and advise

Iraqi Security Forces; conduct targeted counterterrorism missions; and protect ongoing civilian

and military e orts in Iraq. And, consistent with our commitments to the Iraqi Government,

including the U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement, we will remove all of our troops from Iraq by the

end of 2011.

• Civilian Support: Second, as the security situation continues to improve, U.S. civilian engage-

ment will deepen and broaden. We will sustain a capable political, diplomatic, and civilian e ort

to help the Iraqi people as they resolve outstanding di erences, integrate those refugees and

displaced persons who can return, and continue to develop accountable democratic institu-

tions that can better serve their basic needs. We will work with our Iraqi partners to implement

the Strategic Framework Agreement, with the Department of State taking the lead. This will

include cooperation on a range of issues including defense and security cooperation, political

and diplomatic cooperation, rule of law, science, health, education, and economics.

• Regional Diplomacy and Development: Third, we will continue to pursue comprehensive

engagement across the region to ensure that our drawdown in Iraq provides an opportunity

to advance lasting security and sustainable development for both Iraq and the broader Middle

East. The United States will continue to retain a robust civilian presence commensurate with

our strategic interests in the country and the region. We are transforming our relationship to

one consistent with other strategic partners in the region.

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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Pursue Arab-Israeli Peace: The United States, Israel, the Palestinians, and the Arab States have an interest

in a peaceful resolution of the Arab-Israeli conict—one in which the legitimate aspirations of Israelis

and Palestinians for security and dignity are realized, and Israel achieves a secure and lasting peace with

all of its neighbors.

The United States seeks two states living side by side in peace and security—a Jewish state of Israel, with

true security, acceptance, and rights for all Israelis; and a viable, independent Palestine with contiguous

territory that ends the occupation that began in 1967 and realizes the potential of the Palestinian people.

We will continue to work regionally and with like-minded partners in order to advance negotiations

that address the permanent-status issues: security for Israelis and Palestinians; borders, refugees, and

Jerusalem. We also seek international support to build the institutions upon which a Palestinian state

will depend, while supporting economic development that can bring opportunity to its people.

Any Arab-Israeli peace will only be lasting if harmful regional interference ends and constructive regional

support deepens. As we pursue peace between Israelis and Palestinians, we will also pursue peace

between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Syria, and a broader peace between Israel and its neighbors. We

will pursue regional initiatives with multilateral participation, alongside bilateral negotiations.

Promote a Responsible Iran: For decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has endangered the security of

the region and the United States and failed to live up to its international responsibilities. In addition

to its illicit nuclear program, it continues to support terrorism, undermine peace between Israelis and

Palestinians, and deny its people their universal rights. Many years of refusing to engage Iran failed to

reverse these trends; on the contrary, Iran’s behavior became more threatening. Engagement is some-

thing we pursue without illusion. It can o er Iran a pathway to a better future, provided Iran’s leaders

are prepared to take it. But that better pathway can only be achieved if Iran’s leaders change course,

act to restore the condence of the international community, and fulll their obligations. The United

States seeks a future in which Iran meets its international responsibilities, takes its rightful place in the

community of nations, and enjoys the political and economic opportunities that its people deserve.

Yet if the Iranian Government continues to refuse to live up to its international obligations, it will face

greater isolation.

Invest in the Capacity of Strong and Capable Partners

Where governments are incapable of meeting their citizens’ basic needs and fullling their responsibili-

ties to provide security within their borders, the consequences are often global and may directly threaten

the American people. To advance our common security, we must address the underlying political and

economic decits that foster instability, enable radicalization and extremism, and ultimately undermine

the ability of governments to manage threats within their borders and to be our partners in addressing

common challenges. To invest in the capacity of strong and capable partners, we will work to:

Foster Security and Reconstruction in the Aftermath of Conict: The United States and the international

community cannot shy away from the dicult task of pursuing stabilization in conict and post-conict

environments. In countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, building the capacity necessary for security, eco-

nomic growth, and good governance is the only path to long term peace and security. But we have also

learned that the e ectiveness of these e orts is profoundly a ected by the capacity of governments and

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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the political will of their leaders. We will take these constraints into account in designing appropriate

assistance strategies and will facilitate the kind of collaboration that is essential—within our govern-

ment and with international organizations—in those instances when we engage in the dicult work

of helping to bring conicts to an end.

Pursue Sustainable and Responsible Security Systems in At-Risk States: Proactively investing in stronger

societies and human welfare is far more e ective and ecient than responding after state collapse.

The United States must improve its capability to strengthen the security of states at risk of conict and

violence. We will undertake long-term, sustained e orts to strengthen the capacity of security forces to

guarantee internal security, defend against external threats, and promote regional security and respect

for human rights and the rule of law. We will also continue to strengthen the administrative and oversight

capability of civilian security sector institutions, and the e ectiveness of criminal justice.

Prevent the Emergence of Conict: Our strategy goes beyond meeting the challenges of today, and

includes preventing the challenges and seizing the opportunities of tomorrow. This requires investing

now in the capable partners of the future; building today the capacity to strengthen the foundations of

our common security, and modernizing our capabilities in order to ensure that we are agile in the face

of change. We have already begun to reorient and strengthen our development agenda; to take stock

of and enhance our capabilities; and to forge new and more e ective means of applying the skills of our

military, diplomats, and development experts. These kinds of measures will help us diminish military risk,

act before crises and conicts erupt, and ensure that governments are better able to serve their people.

Secure Cyberspace

Cybersecurity threats represent one of the most serious national security, public safety, and economic

challenges we face as a nation. The very technologies that empower us to lead and create also empower

those who would disrupt and destroy. They enable our military superiority, but our unclassied govern-

ment networks are constantly probed by intruders. Our daily lives and public safety depend on power

and electric grids, but potential adversaries could use cyber vulnerabilities to disrupt them on a massive

scale. The Internet and e-commerce are keys to our economic competitiveness, but cyber criminals

have cost companies and consumers hundreds of millions of dollars and valuable intellectual property.

The threats we face range from individual criminal hackers to organized criminal groups, from terrorist

networks to advanced nation states. Defending against these threats to our security, prosperity, and

personal privacy requires networks that are secure, trustworthy, and resilient. Our digital infrastruc-

ture, therefore, is a strategic national asset, and protecting it—while safeguarding privacy and civil

liberties—is a national security priority. We will deter, prevent, detect, defend against, and quickly recover

from cyber intrusions and attacks by:

Investing in People and Technology: To advance that goal, we are working across the government and

with the private sector to design more secure technology that gives us the ability to better protect and

to improve the resilience of critical government and industry systems and networks. We will continue

to invest in the cutting-edge research and development necessary for the innovation and discovery

we need to meet these challenges. We have begun a comprehensive national campaign to promote

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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cybersecurity awareness and digital literacy from our boardrooms to our classrooms and to build a

digital workforce for the 21st century.

Strengthening Partnerships: Neither government nor the private sector nor individual citizens can meet

this challenge alone—we will expand the ways we work together. We will also strengthen our interna-

tional partnerships on a range of issues, including the development of norms for acceptable conduct

in cyberspace; laws concerning cybercrime; data preservation, protection, and privacy; and approaches

for network defense and response to cyber attacks. We will work with all the key players— including

all levels of government and the private sector, nationally and internationally—to investigate cyber

intrusion and to ensure an organized and unied response to future cyber incidents. Just as we do for

natural disasters, we have to have plans and resources in place beforehand.

Prosperity

“e answers to our problems don’t lie beyond our reach. ey exist in our laboratories

and universities; in our elds and our factories; in the imaginations of our entrepreneurs

and the pride of the hardest-working people on Earth. ose qualities that have made

America the greatest force of progress and prosperity in human history we still possess in

ample measure. What is required now is for this country to pull together, confront boldly

the challenges we face, and take responsibility for our future once more.”

—President Barack Obama, Address to Joint Session of Congress, February 24, 2009

—

The foundation of American leadership must be a prosperous American economy. And a growing and

open global economy serves as a source of opportunity for the American people and a source of strength

for the United States. The free ow of information, people, goods, and services has also advanced peace

among nations, as those places that have emerged more prosperous are often more stable. Yet we have

also seen how shocks to the global economy can precipitate disaster—including the loss of jobs, a

decline in standards of living in parts of our country, and instability and a loss of U.S. inuence abroad.

Meanwhile, growing prosperity around the world has made economic power more di use, creating a

more competitive environment for America’s people and businesses.

To allow each American to pursue the opportunity upon which our prosperity depends, we must

build a stronger foundation for economic growth. That foundation must include access to a complete

and competitive education for every American; a transformation of the way that we produce and use

energy, so that we reduce our dependence on fossil fuels and lead the world in creating new jobs and

industry; access to quality, a ordable health care so our people, businesses, and government are not

constrained by rising costs; and the responsible management of our Federal budget so that we balance

our priorities and are not burdened by debt. To succeed, we must also ensure that America stays on the

cutting edge of the science and innovation that supports our prosperity, defense, and international

technological leadership.

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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This new foundation must underpin and sustain an international economic system that is critical to both

our prosperity and to the peace and security of the world. We must reinvigorate and fortify it for the

21st century: by preventing cycles of boom and bust with new rules of the road at home and abroad; by

saving more and spending less; by resisting protectionism and promoting trade that is free and fair; by

coordinating our actions with other countries, and reforming international institutions to give emerging

economies a greater voice and greater responsibility; and by supporting development that promotes

good governance, unleashes the potential of di erent populations, and creates new markets overseas.

Taken together, these actions can ensure inclusive growth that is balanced and sustained.

Strengthen Education and Human Capital

In a global economy of vastly increased mobility and interdependence, our own prosperity and leader-

ship depends increasingly on our ability to provide our citizens with the education that they need to

succeed, while attracting the premier human capital for our workforce. We must ensure that the most

innovative ideas take root in America, while providing our people with the skills that they need to

compete. That means we must:

Improve Education at All Levels: The United States has lost ground in education, even as our competi-

tiveness depends on educating our children to succeed in a global economy based on knowledge and

innovation. We are working to provide a complete and competitive education for all Americans, to

include supporting high standards for early learning, reforming public schools, increasing access to

higher education and job training, and promoting high-demand skills and education for emerging

industries. We will also restore U.S. leadership in higher education by seeking the goal of leading the

world in the proportion of college graduates by 2020.

Invest in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math Education (STEM): America’s long-term leader-

ship depends on educating and producing future scientists and innovators. We will invest more in

STEM education so students can learn to think critically in science, math, engineering, and technology;

improve the quality of math and science teaching so American students are no longer outperformed

by those in other nations; and expand STEM education and career opportunities for underrepresented

groups, including women and girls. We will work with partners—from the private-sector and nonprot

organizations to universities—to promote education and careers in science and technology.

Increase International Education and Exchange: The pervasiveness of the English language and American

cultural inuence are great advantages to Americans traveling, working, and negotiating in foreign

countries. But we must develop skills to help us succeed in a dynamic and diverse global economy. We

will support programs that cultivate interest and scholarship in foreign languages and intercultural

a airs, including international exchange programs. This will allow our citizens to build connections with

peoples overseas and to develop skills and contacts that will help them thrive in the global economy.

We must also welcome more foreign exchange students to our shores, recognizing the benets that can

result from deeper ties with foreign publics and increased understanding of American society.

Pursue Comprehensive Immigration Reform: The United States is a nation of immigrants. Our ability to

innovate, our ties to the world, and our economic prosperity depend on our nation’s capacity to welcome

and assimilate immigrants, and a visa system which welcomes skilled professionals from around the

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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world. At the same time, e ective border security and immigration enforcement must keep the country

safe and deter unlawful entry. Indeed, persistent problems in immigration policy consume valuable

resources needed to advance other security objectives and make it harder to focus on the most danger-

ous threats facing our country. Ultimately, our national security depends on striking a balance between

security and openness. To advance this goal, we must pursue comprehensive immigration reform that

e ectively secures our borders, while repairing a broken system that fails to serve the needs of our nation.

Enhance Science, Technology, and Innovation

Rearming America’s role as the global engine of scientic discovery and technological innovation

has never been more critical. Challenges like climate change, pandemic disease, and resource scarcity

demand new innovation. Meanwhile, the nation that leads the world in building a clean energy economy

will enjoy a substantial economic and security advantage. That is why the Administration is investing

heavily in research, improving education in science and math, promoting developments in energy, and

expanding international cooperation.

Transform our Energy Economy: As long as we are dependent on fossil fuels, we need to ensure the

security and free ow of global energy resources. But without signicant and timely adjustments, our

energy dependence will continue to undermine our security and prosperity. This will leave us vulnerable

to energy supply disruptions and manipulation and to changes in the environment on an unprecedented

scale.

The United States has a window of opportunity to lead in the development of clean energy technology.

If successful, the United States will lead in this new Industrial Revolution in clean energy that will be

a major contributor to our economic prosperity. If we do not develop the policies that encourage the

private sector to seize the opportunity, the United States will fall behind and increasingly become an

importer of these new energy technologies.

We have already made the largest investment in clean energy in history, but there is much more to do

to build on this foundation. We must continue to transform our energy economy, leveraging private

capital to accelerate deployment of clean energy technologies that will cut greenhouse gas emissions,

improve energy eciency, increase use of renewable and nuclear power, reduce the dependence of

vehicles on oil, and diversify energy sources and suppliers. We will invest in research and next-generation

technology, modernize the way we distribute electricity, and encourage the usage of transitional fuels,

while moving towards clean energy produced at home.

Invest in Research: Research and development is central to our broader national capacity. Incidents

like the outbreak of H1N1 inuenza and the challenge of identifying new, renewable sources of energy

highlight the importance of research in basic and applied science. We are reversing the decades-long

decline in federal funding for research, including the single largest infusion to basic science research

in American history. Research and innovation is not something government can do on its own, which

is why we will support and create incentives to encourage private initiatives. The United States has

always excelled in our ability to turn science and technology into engineering and products, and we

must continue to do so in the future.

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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Expand International Science Partnerships: America’s scientic leadership has always been widely

admired around the world, and we must continue to expand cooperation and partnership in science

and technology. We have launched a number of Science Envoys around the globe and are promoting

stronger relationships between American scientists, universities, and researchers and their counterparts

abroad. We will reestablish a commitment to science and technology in our foreign assistance e orts

and develop a strategy for international science and national security.

Employ Technology to Protect our Nation: Our renewed commitment to science and technology—and

our ability to apply the ingenuity of our public and private sectors toward the most dicult foreign policy

and security challenges of our time—will help us protect our citizens and advance U.S. national security

priorities. These include, for example, protecting U.S. and allied forces from asymmetric attacks; support-

ing arms control and nonproliferation agreements; preventing terrorists from attacking our homeland;

preventing and managing widespread disease outbreaks; securing the supply chain; detecting weapons

of mass destruction before they reach our borders; and protecting our information, communication,

and transportation infrastructure.

Leverage and Grow our Space Capabilities: For over 50 years, our space community has been a catalyst

for innovation and a hallmark of U.S. technological leadership. Our space capabilities underpin global

commerce and scientic advancements and bolster our national security strengths and those of our

allies and partners. To promote security and stability in space, we will pursue activities consistent with

the inherent right of self-defense, deepen cooperation with allies and friends, and work with all nations

toward the responsible and peaceful use of space. To maintain the advantages a orded to the United

States by space, we must also take several actions. We must continue to encourage cutting-edge space

technology by investing in the people and industrial base that develops them. We will invest in the

research and development of next-generation space technologies and capabilities that benet our

commercial, civil, scientic exploration, and national security communities, in order to maintain the

viability of space for future generations. And we will promote a unied e ort to strengthen our space

industrial base and work with universities to encourage students to pursue space-related careers.

Achieve Balanced and Sustainable Growth

Balanced and sustainable growth, at home and throughout the global economy, drives the momentum

of the U.S. economy and underpins our prosperity. A steadily growing global economy means an expand-

ing market for exports of our goods and services. Over time, deepening linkages among markets and

businesses will provide the setting in which the energies and entrepreneurship of our private sector can

ourish, generating technologies, business growth, and job creation that will boost living standards for

Americans. United States economic leadership now has to adapt to the rising prominence of emerging

economies; the growing size, speed, and sophistication of nancial markets; the multiplicity of market

participants around the globe; and the struggling economies that have so far failed to integrate into

the global system.

To promote prosperity for all Americans, we will need to lead the international community to expand the

inclusive growth of the integrated, global economy. At the same time, we will need to lead international

e orts to prevent a recurrence of economic imbalances and nancial excesses, while managing the

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many security threats and global challenges that a ect global economic stability. To promote growth

that can be balanced and sustained, we will:

Prevent Renewed Instability in the Global Economy: The recent crisis taught us the very high cost of the

boom and bust cycle that has plagued the global economy and has served neither the United States

nor our international partners. Once Americans found themselves in debt or out of work, our demand

for foreign goods fell sharply. As foreign economies weakened, their nancial institutions and public

nances came under stress too, reinforcing the global slowdown. We must prevent the reemergence

of imbalanced growth, with American consumers buying and borrowing, and Asian and other export-

ing countries selling and accumulating claims. We must pursue reform of the U.S. nancial system to

strengthen the health of our economy and encourage Americans to save more. And we must prevent

the reemergence of excesses in our nancial institutions based on irresponsible lending behavior, and

abetted by lax and uncoordinated regulation.

Save More And Export More: Striking a better balance at home means saving more and spending less,

reforming our nancial system, and reducing our long-term budget decit. With those changes, we will

see a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world, with the goal

of doubling U.S. exports by 2014. This is ultimately an employment strategy, because higher exports

will support millions of well-paying American jobs, including those that service innovative and prot-

able new technologies. As a part of that e ort, we are reforming our export controls consistent with

our national security imperatives.

Shift To Greater Domestic Demand Abroad: For the rest of the world, especially in some emerging market

and developing countries, a better balance means placing greater emphasis on increasing domestic

demand as the leading driver of growth and opening markets. Those countries will be able to import

the capital and technologies needed to sustain the remarkable productivity gains already underway.

Rebalancing will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers over time to enjoy the higher

standards of living made possible by those gains. As balanced growth translates into sustained growth,

middle-income, and poor countries, many of which are not yet suciently integrated into the global

economy, can accelerate the process of convergence of living standards toward richer countries—a

process that will become a driver of growth for the global economy for decades to come.

Open Foreign Markets to Our Products and Services: The United States has long had one of the most

open markets in the world. We have been a leader in expanding an open trading system. That has

underwritten the growth of other developed and emerging markets alike. Openness has also forced

our companies and workers to compete and innovate, and at the same time, has o ered market access

crucial to the success of so many countries around the world. We will maintain our open investment

environment, consistent with our national security goals. In this new era, opening markets around the

globe will promote global competition and innovation and will be crucial to our prosperity. We will

pursue a trade agenda that includes an ambitious and balanced Doha multilateral trade agreement,

bilateral and multilateral trade agreements that reect our values and interests, and engagement with

the transpacic partnership countries to shape a regional agreement with high standards.

As we go forward, our trade policy will be an important part of our e ort to capitalize on the opportuni-

ties presented by globalization, but will also be part of our e ort to equip Americans to compete. To make

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trade agreements work for Americans, we will take steps to restore condence, with realistic programs

to deal with transition costs, and promote innovation, infrastructure, healthcare reform and education.

Our agreements will contain achievable enforcement mechanisms to ensure that the gains we negotiate

are in fact realized and will be structured to reect U.S. interests, especially on labor and environment.

Build Cooperation with Our International Partners: The United States has supported the G-20’s emer-

gence as the premier forum for international economic cooperation. This ows from the recognition that

we need a broader and more inclusive engagement with the countries responsible for most of global

output and trade. U.S. leadership in the G-20 will be focused on securing sustainable and balanced

growth, coordinating reform of nancial sector regulation, fostering global economic development,

and promoting energy security. We also need ocial international nancial institutions to be as modern

and agile as the global economy they serve. Through the G-20, we will pursue governance reform at

the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. We will also broaden our leadership in other

international nancial institutions so that the rapidly growing countries of the world see their repre-

sentation increase and are willing to invest those institutions with the authority they need to promote

the stability and growth of global output and trade.

Deterring Threats to the International Financial System: Today’s open and global nancial system also

exposes us to global nancial threats. Just as we work to make the most of the opportunities that glo-

balization brings, the actors that pose a threat to our national security—terrorists, proliferators, narcotics

trackers, corrupt ocials, and others—are abusing the global nancial system to raise, move, and safe-

guard funds that support their illicit activities or from which they derive prot. Their support networks

have global reach and are not contained by national borders. Our strategy to attack these networks

must respond in kind and target their illicit resources and access to the global nancial system through

nancial measures, administration and enforcement of regulatory authorities, outreach to the private

sector and our foreign partners, and collaboration on international standards and information sharing.

Accelerate Sustainable Development

The growth of emerging economies in recent decades has lifted people out of poverty and forged a

more interconnected and vibrant global economy. But development has been uneven, progress is fragile,

and too many of the world’s people still live without the benets that development a ords. While some

countries are growing, many lag behind—mired in insecurity, constrained by poor governance, or overly

dependent upon commodity prices. But sustained economic progress requires faster, sustainable, and

more inclusive development. That is why we are pursuing a range of specic initiatives in areas such

as food security and global health that will be essential to the future security and prosperity of nations

and peoples around the globe.

Increase Investments in Development: The United States has an interest in working with our allies to help

the world’s poorest countries grow into productive and prosperous economies governed by capable,

democratic, and accountable state institutions. We will ensure a greater and more deliberate focus

on a global development agenda across the United States Government, from policy analysis through

policy implementation. We are increasing our foreign assistance, expanding our investments in e ective

multilateral development institutions, and leveraging the engagement of others to share the burden.

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Invest in the Foundations of Long-Term Development: The United States will initiate long-term invest-

ments that recognize and reward governments that demonstrate the capacity and political will to pursue

sustainable development strategies and ensure that all policy instruments at our disposal are harnessed

to these ends. And we will provide our support in multiple ways—by strengthening the ability of gov-

ernments and communities to manage development challenges and investing in strong institutions

that foster the democratic accountability that helps sustain development. This will expand the circle of

nations—particularly in Africa—who are capable of reaping the benets of the global economy, while

contributing to global security and prosperity.

Exercise Leadership in the Provision of Global Public Goods: Our approach needs to reect the fact that

there are a set of development challenges that strongly a ect the likelihood of progress, but cannot be

addressed by individual countries acting alone. Particularly in Africa, these challenges—such as adap-

tation to global warming, the control of epidemic disease, and the knowledge to increase agricultural

productivity—are not adequately addressed in bilateral e orts. We will shape the international archi-

tecture and work with our global partners to address these challenges, and increase our investments

and engagement to transition to a low-carbon growth trajectory, support the resilience of the poorest

nations to the e ects of climate change, and strengthen food security. We must also pursue potential

“game changers” for development such as new vaccines, weather-resistant seed varieties, and green

energy technologies.

Spend Taxpayers’ Dollars Wisely

The United States Government has an obligation to make the best use of taxpayer money, and our ability

to achieve long-term goals depends upon our scal responsibility. A responsible budget involves mak-

ing tough choices to live within our means; holding departments and agencies accountable for their

spending and their performance; harnessing technology to improve government performance; and

being open and honest with the American people. A responsible budget also depends upon working

with our global partners and institutions to share burdens and leverage U.S. investments to achieve

global goals. Our national security goals can only be reached if we make hard choices and work with

international partners to share burdens.

Reduce the Decit: We cannot grow our economy in the long term unless we put the United States

back on a sustainable scal path. To begin this e ort, the Administration has proposed a 3-year freeze

in nonsecurity discretionary spending, a new fee on the largest nancial services companies to recoup

taxpayer losses for the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), and the closing of tax loopholes and

unnecessary subsidies. The Administration has created a bipartisan scal commission to suggest further

steps for medium-term decit reduction and will work for scally responsible health insurance reform

that will bring down the rate of growth in health care costs, a key driver of the country’s scal future.

Reform Acquisition and Contracting Processes: Wasteful spending, duplicative programs, and contracts

with poor oversight have no place in the United States Government. Cost-e ective and ecient pro-

cesses are particularly important for the Department of Defense, which accounts for approximately

70 percent of all Federal procurement spending. We will scrutinize our programs and terminate or

restructure those that are outdated, duplicative, ine ective, or wasteful. The result will be more relevant,

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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capable, and e ective programs and systems that our military wants and needs. We are also reforming

Federal contracting and strengthening contracting practices and management oversight with a goal

of saving Federal agencies $40 billion dollars a year.

Increase Transparency: Americans have a right to know how their tax dollars are spent, but that informa-

tion can be obscured or unavailable. In some instances, incomplete accounting of the budget has been

used to conceal the reality of our scal situation. To uphold our commitment to a transparent budget

process, we are simultaneously requesting both base budget and overseas contingency operations costs,

with the same amount of justication and explanatory material for each, so that Americans can see the

true cost of our war e orts and hold leaders accountable for decisions with all of the facts.

Values

“We uphold our most cherished values not only because doing so is right, but because

it strengthens our country and keeps us safe. Time and again, our values have been our

best national security asset—in war and peace, in times of ease, and in eras of upheaval.

Fidelity to our values is the reason why the United States of America grew from a small

string of colonies under the writ of an empire to the strongest nation in the world.”

—President Barack Obama, National Archives, May 21, 2009

—

The United States believes certain values are universal and will work to promote them worldwide. These

include an individual’s freedom to speak their mind, assemble without fear, worship as they please,

and choose their own leaders; they also include dignity, tolerance, and equality among all people, and

the fair and equitable administration of justice. The United States was founded upon a belief in these

values. At home, delity to these values has extended the promise of America ever more fully, to ever

more people. Abroad, these values have been claimed by people of every race, region, and religion.

Most nations are parties to international agreements that recognize this commonality. And nations

that embrace these values for their citizens are ultimately more successful—and friendly to the United

States—than those that do not.

Yet after an era that saw substantial gains for these values around the world, democratic develop-

ment has stalled in recent years. In some cultures, these values are being equated with the ugly face

of modernity and are seen to encroach upon cherished identities. In other countries, autocratic rulers

have repressed basic human rights and democratic practices in the name of economic development

and national unity. Even where some governments have adopted democratic practices, authoritarian

rulers have undermined electoral processes and restricted the space for opposition and civil society,

imposing a growing number of legal restrictions so as to impede the rights of people to assemble and

to access information. And while there has been substantial progress in combating poverty in many

parts of the world, too many of the world’s people still lack the dignity that comes with the opportunity

to pursue a better life.

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The United States supports those who seek to exercise universal rights around the world. We promote

our values above all by living them at home. We continue to engage nations, institutions, and peoples in

pursuit of these values abroad. And we recognize the link between development and political progress.

In doing so, our goals are realistic, as we recognize that di erent cultures and traditions give life to these

values in distinct ways. Moreover, America’s inuence comes not from perfection, but from our striving

to overcome our imperfections. The constant struggle to perfect our union is what makes the American

story inspiring. That is why acknowledging our past shortcomings —and highlighting our e orts to

remedy them—is a means of promoting our values.

America will not impose any system of government on another country, but our long-term security and

prosperity depends on our steady support for universal values, which sets us apart from our enemies,

adversarial governments, and many potential competitors for inuence. We will do so through a variety

of means—by speaking out for universal rights, supporting fragile democracies and civil society, and

supporting the dignity that comes with development.

Strengthen the Power of Our Example

More than any other action that we have taken, the power of America’s example has helped spread

freedom and democracy abroad. That is why we must always seek to uphold these values not just when

it is easy, but when it is hard. Advancing our interests may involve new arrangements to confront threats

like terrorism, but these practices and structures must always be in line with our Constitution, preserve

our people’s privacy and civil liberties, and withstand the checks and balances that have served us so

well. To sustain our delity to our values—and our credibility to promote them around the world—we

will continue to:

Prohibit Torture without Exception or Equivocation: Brutal methods of interrogation are inconsistent

with our values, undermine the rule of law, and are not e ective means of obtaining information. They

alienate the United States from the world. They serve as a recruitment and propaganda tool for terror-

ists. They increase the will of our enemies to ght against us, and endanger our troops when they are

captured. The United States will not use or support these methods.

Legal Aspects of Countering Terrorism: The increased risk of terrorism necessitates a capacity to detain

and interrogate suspected violent extremists, but that framework must align with our laws to be e ective

and sustainable. When we are able, we will prosecute terrorists in Federal courts or in reformed military

commissions that are fair, legitimate, and e ective. For detainees who cannot be prosecuted—but pose

a danger to the American people—we must have clear, defensible, and lawful standards. We must have

fair procedures and a thorough process of periodic review, so that any prolonged detention is carefully

evaluated and justied. And keeping with our Constitutional system, it will be subject to checks and

balances. The goal is an approach that can be sustained by future Administrations, with support from

both political parties and all three branches of government.

Balance the Imperatives of Secrecy and Transparency: For the sake of our security, some information

must be protected from public disclosure—for instance, to protect our troops, our sources and methods

of intelligence-gathering or condential actions that keep the American people safe. Yet our democ-

racy depends upon transparency, and whenever possible, we are making information available to the

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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American people so that they can make informed judgments and hold their leaders accountable. For

instance, when we invoke the State Secrets privilege, we will follow clear procedures so as to provide

greater accountability and to ensure the privilege is invoked only when necessary and in the narrowest

way possible. We will never invoke the privilege to hide a violation of law or to avoid embarrassment

to the government.

Protect Civil Liberties, Privacy, and Oversight: Protecting civil liberties and privacy are integral to the

vibrancy of our democracy and the exercise of freedom. We are balancing our solemn commitments

to these virtues with the mandate to provide security for the American people. Vigorous oversight of

national security activities by our three branches of government and vigilant compliance with the rule of

law allow us to maintain this balance, arm to our friends and allies the constitutional ideals we uphold.

Uphold the Rule of Law: The rule of law—and our capacity to enforce it—advances our national security

and strengthens our leadership. At home, delity to our laws and support for our law enforcement com-

munity safeguards American citizens and interests, while protecting and advancing our values. Around

the globe, it allows us to hold actors accountable, while supporting both international security and the

stability of the global economy. America’s commitment to the rule of law is fundamental to our e orts to

build an international order that is capable of confronting the emerging challenges of the 21st century.

Draw Strength from Diversity: The United States has beneted throughout our history when we have

drawn strength from our diversity. While those who advocate on behalf of extremist ideologies seek

to sow discord among ethnic and religious groups, America stands as an example of how people from

di erent backgrounds can be united through their commitment to shared values. Within our own

communities, those who seek to recruit and radicalize individuals will often try to prey upon isolation

and alienation. Our own commitment to extending the promise of America will both draw a contrast

with those who try to drive people apart, while countering attempts to enlist individuals in ideological,

religious, or ethnic extremism.

Promote Democracy and Human Rights Abroad

The United States supports the expansion of democracy and human rights abroad because governments

that respect these values are more just, peaceful, and legitimate. We also do so because their success

abroad fosters an environment that supports America’s national interests. Political systems that protect

universal rights are ultimately more stable, successful, and secure. As our history shows, the United States

can more e ectively forge consensus to tackle shared challenges when working with governments that

reect the will and respect the rights of their people, rather than just the narrow interests of those in

power. The United States is advancing universal values by:

Ensuring that New and Fragile Democracies Deliver Tangible Improvements for Their Citizens: The

United States must support democracy, human rights, and development together, as they are mutually

reinforcing. We are working closely with citizens, communities, and political and civil society leaders

to strengthen key institutions of democratic accountability—free and fair electoral processes, strong

legislatures, civilian control of militaries, honest police forces, independent and fair judiciaries, a free

and independent press, a vibrant private sector, and a robust civil society. To do so, we are harnessing

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

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our bilateral and multilateral capabilities to help nascent democracies deliver services that respond

to the needs and preferences of their citizens, since democracies without development rarely survive.

Practicing Principled Engagement with Non-Democratic Regimes: Even when we are focused on

interests such as counterterrorism, nonproliferation, or enhancing economic ties, we will always seek

in parallel to expand individual rights and opportunities through our bilateral engagement. The United

States is pursuing a dual-track approach in which we seek to improve government-to-government

relations and use this dialogue to advance human rights, while engaging civil society and peaceful

political opposition, and encouraging U.S. nongovernmental actors to do the same. More substantive

government-to-government relations can create permissive conditions for civil society to operate and

for more extensive people-to-people exchanges. But when our overtures are rebu ed, we must lead

the international community in using public and private diplomacy, and drawing on incentives and

disincentives, in an e ort to change repressive behavior.

Recognizing the Legitimacy of All Peaceful Democratic Movements: America respects the right of all

peaceful, law-abiding, and nonviolent voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with

them. Support for democracy must not be about support for specic candidates or movements. America

will welcome all legitimately elected, peaceful governments, provided they govern with respect for

the rights and dignity of all their people and consistent with their international obligations. Those who

seek democracy to obtain power, but are ruthless once they do, will forfeit the support of the United

States. Governments must maintain power through consent, not coercion, and place legitimate political

processes above party or narrow interest.

Supporting the Rights of Women and Girls: Women should have access to the same opportunities and

be able to make the same choices as men. Experience shows that countries are more peaceful and

prosperous when women are accorded full and equal rights and opportunity. When those rights and

opportunities are denied, countries often lag behind. Furthermore, women and girls often dispropor-

tionally bear the burden of crises and conict. Therefore the United States is working with regional and

international organizations to prevent violence against women and girls, especially in conict zones.

We are supporting women’s equal access to justice and their participation in the political process. We

are promoting child and maternal health. We are combating human tracking, especially in women

and girls, through domestic and international law enforcement. And we are supporting education,

employment, and micro-nance to empower women globally.

Strengthening International Norms Against Corruption: We are working within the broader international

system, including the U.N., G-20, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD),

and the international nancial institutions, to promote the recognition that pervasive corruption is a

violation of basic human rights and a severe impediment to development and global security. We will

work with governments and civil society organizations to bring greater transparency and accountability

to government budgets, expenditures, and the assets of public ocials. And we will institutionalize

transparent practices in international aid ows, international banking and tax policy, and private sec-

tor engagement around natural resources to make it harder for ocials to steal and to strengthen the

e orts of citizens to hold their governments accountable.

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Building a Broader Coalition of Actors to Advance Universal Values: We are working to build support

for democracy, rule of law, and human rights by working with other governments, nongovernmental

organizations, and multilateral fora. The United States is committed to working to shape and strengthen

existing institutions that are not delivering on their potential, such as the United Nations Human Rights

Council. We are working within the broader U.N. system and through regional mechanisms to strengthen

human rights monitoring and enforcement mechanisms, so that individuals and countries are held

accountable for their violation of international human rights norms. And we will actively support the

leadership of emerging democracies as they assume a more active role in advancing basic human rights

and democratic values in their regions and on the global stage.

Marshalling New Technologies and Promoting the Right to Access Information: The emergence of tech-

nologies such as the Internet, wireless networks, mobile smart-phones, investigative forensics, satellite

and aerial imagery, and distributed remote sensing infrastructure has created powerful new opportuni-

ties to advance democracy and human rights. These technologies have fueled people-powered political

movements, made it possible to shine a spotlight on human rights abuses nearly instantaneously, and

increased avenues for free speech and unrestricted communication around the world. We support the

dissemination and use of these technologies to facilitate freedom of expression, expand access to infor-

mation, increase governmental transparency and accountability, and counter restrictions on their use.

We will also better utilize such technologies to e ectively communicate our own messages to the world.

Promote Dignity by Meeting Basic Needs

The freedom that America stands for includes freedom from want. Basic human rights cannot thrive in

places where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they

need to survive. The United States has embraced the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals

and is working with others in pursuit of the eradication of extreme poverty—e orts that are particularly

critical to the future of nations and peoples of Africa. And we will continue to promote the dignity that

comes through development e orts such as:

Pursuing a Comprehensive Global Health Strategy: The United States has a moral and strategic interest

in promoting global health. When a child dies of a preventable disease, it o ends our conscience; when

a disease goes unchecked, it can endanger our own health; when children are sick, development is

stalled. That is why we are continuing to invest in the ght against HIV/AIDS. Through the Global Health

Initiative, we will strengthen health systems and invest in interventions to address areas where progress

has lagged, including maternal and child health. And we are also pursuing the goal of reducing the

burden of malaria and tuberculosis and seeking the elimination of important neglected tropical diseases.

Promoting Food Security: The United States is working with partners around the world to advance a food

security initiative that combats hunger and builds the capacity of countries to feed their people. Instead

of simply providing aid for developing countries, we are focusing on new methods and technologies for

agricultural development. This is consistent with an approach in which aid is not an end in itself—the

purpose of our foreign assistance will be to create the conditions where it is no longer needed.

Leading E orts to Address Humanitarian Crises: Together with the American people and the international

community, we will continue to respond to humanitarian crises to ensure that those in need have the

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protection and assistance they need. In such circumstances, we are also placing a greater emphasis on

fostering long-term recovery. Haiti’s devastating earthquake is only the most recent reminder of the

human and material consequences of natural disasters, and a changing climate portends a future in

which the United States must be better prepared and resourced to exercise robust leadership to help

meet critical humanitarian needs.

International Order

“As President of the United States, I will work tirelessly to protect America’s security and

to advance our interests. But no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century

on its own, nor dictate its terms to the world. at is why America seeks an international

system that lets nations pursue their interests peacefully, especially when those interests

diverge; a system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations

of those rights are opposed; a system where we hold ourselves to the same standards that

we apply to other nations, with clear rights and responsibilities for all.”

—President Barack Obama, Moscow, Russia, July 7, 2009

—

The United States will protect its people and advance our prosperity irrespective of the actions of any

other nation, but we have an interest in a just and sustainable international order that can foster collec-

tive action to confront common challenges. This international order will support our e orts to advance

security, prosperity, and universal values, but it is also an end that we seek in its own right. Because

without such an international order, the forces of instability and disorder will undermine global secu-

rity. And without e ective mechanisms to forge international cooperation, challenges that recognize

no borders—such as climate change, pandemic disease, and transnational crime—will persist and

potentially spread.

International institutions—most prominently NATO and the United Nations—have been at the center

of our international order since the mid 20th century. Yet, an international architecture that was largely

forged in the wake of World War II is buckling under the weight of new threats, making us less able to

seize new opportunities. Even though many dening trends of the 21st century a ect all nations and

peoples, too often, the mutual interests of nations and peoples are ignored in favor of suspicion and

self-defeating competition.

What is needed, therefore, is a realignment of national actions and international institutions with shared

interests. And when national interests do collide—or countries prioritize their interests in di erent

ways—those nations that defy international norms or fail to meet their sovereign responsibilities will

be denied the incentives that come with greater integration and collaboration with the international

community.

No international order can be supported by international institutions alone. Our mutual interests must

be underpinned by bilateral, multilateral, and global strategies that address underlying sources of

insecurity and build new spheres of cooperation. To that end, strengthening bilateral and multilateral

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

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cooperation cannot be accomplished simply by working inside formal institutions and frameworks. It

requires sustained outreach to foreign governments, political leaderships, and other critical constituen-

cies that must commit the necessary capabilities and resources to enable e ective, collective action. And

it means building upon our traditional alliances, while also cultivating partnerships with new centers of

inuence. Taken together, these approaches will allow us to foster more e ective global cooperation to

confront challenges that know no borders and a ect every nation.

Ensure Strong Alliances

The foundation of United States, regional, and global security will remain America’s relations with our

allies, and our commitment to their security is unshakable. These relationships must be constantly

cultivated, not just because they are indispensible for U.S. interests and national security objectives,

but because they are fundamental to our collective security. Alliances are force multipliers: through

multinational cooperation and coordination, the sum of our actions is always greater than if we act

alone. We will continue to maintain the capacity to defend our allies against old and new threats. We will

also continue to closely consult with our allies as well as newly emerging partners and organizations so

that we revitalize and expand our cooperation to achieve common objectives. And we will continue to

mutually benet from the collective security provided by strong alliances.

Although the United States and our allies and partners may sometimes disagree on specic issues, we

will act based upon mutual respect and in a manner that continues to strengthen an international order

that benets all responsible international actors.

Strengthening Security Relationships: Our ability to sustain these alliances, and to build coalitions

of support toward common objectives, depends in part on the capabilities of America’s Armed Forces.

Similarly, the relationships our Armed Forces have developed with foreign militaries are a critical com-

ponent of our global engagement and support our collective security.

We will continue to ensure that we can prevail against a wide range of potential adversaries—to include

hostile states and nonstate actors—while broadly shaping the strategic environment using all tools to

advance our common security. We will continue to reassure our allies and partners by retaining our abil-

ity to bring precise, sustained, and e ective capabilities to bear against a wide range of military threats

and decisively defeat the forces of hostile regional powers. We will work with our allies and partners

to enhance the resilience of U.S. forward posture and facilities against potential attacks. Finally, we will

strengthen our regional deterrence postures—for example, through phased, adaptive missile defense

architectures—in order to make certain that regional adversaries gain no advantages from their acquisi-

tion of new, o ensive military capabilities.

European Allies: Our relationship with our European allies remains the cornerstone for U.S. engage-

ment with the world, and a catalyst for international action. We will engage with our allies bilaterally,

and pursue close consultation on a broad range of security and economic issues. The North Atlantic

Treaty Organization (NATO) is the pre-eminent security alliance in the world today. With our 27 NATO

allies, and the many partners with which NATO cooperates, we will strengthen our collective ability to

promote security, deter vital threats, and defend our people. NATO’s new Strategic Concept will provide

an opportunity to revitalize and reform the Alliance. We are committed to ensuring that NATO is able to

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

address the full range of 21st century challenges, while serving as a foundation of European security. And

we will continue to anchor our commitment in Article V, which is fundamental to our collective security.

Building on European aspirations for greater integration, we are committed to partnering with a stronger

European Union to advance our shared goals, especially in promoting democracy and prosperity in

Eastern European countries that are still completing their democratic transition and in responding to

pressing issues of mutual concern. We will remain dedicated to advancing stability and democracy in

the Balkans and to resolving conicts in the Caucasus and in Cyprus. We will continue to engage with

Turkey on a broad range of mutual goals, especially with regard to pursuit of stability in its region. And

we will seek to strengthen existing European institutions so that they are more inclusive and more

e ective in building condence, reducing tensions, and protecting freedom.

Asian Allies: Our alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the

bedrock of security in Asia and a foundation of prosperity in the Asia-Pacic region. We will continue to

deepen and update these alliances to reect the dynamism of the region and strategic trends of the 21st

century. Japan and South Korea are increasingly important leaders in addressing regional and global

issues, as well as in embodying and promoting our common democratic values. We are modernizing our

security relationships with both countries to face evolving 21st century global security challenges and

to reect the principle of equal partnership with the United States and to ensure a sustainable founda-

tion for the U.S. military presence there. We are working together with our allies to develop a positive

security agenda for the region, focused on regional security, combating the proliferation of weapons of

mass destruction, terrorism, climate change, international piracy, epidemics, and cybersecurity, while

achieving balanced growth and human rights.

In partnership with our allies, the United States is helping to o er a future of security and integration

to all Asian nations and to uphold and extend fundamental rights and dignity to all of its people. These

alliances have preserved a hard-earned peace and strengthened the bridges of understanding across the

Pacic Ocean in the second half of the 20th century, and it is essential to U.S., Asian, and global security

that they are as dynamic and e ective in the 21st century.

North America: The strategic partnerships and unique relationships we maintain with Canada and

Mexico are critical to U.S. national security and have a direct e ect on the security of our homeland. With

billions of dollars in trade, shared critical infrastructure, and millions of our citizens moving across our

common borders, no two countries are more directly connected to our daily lives. We must change the

way we think about our shared borders, in order to secure and expedite the lawful and legitimate ow

of people and goods while interdicting transnational threat that threaten our open societies.

Canada is our closest trading partner, a steadfast security ally, and an important partner in regional

and global e orts. Our mutual prosperity is closely interconnected, including through our trade rela-

tionship with Mexico through NAFTA. With Canada, our security cooperation includes our defense of

North America and our e orts through NATO overseas. And our cooperation is critical to the success of

international e orts on issues ranging from international climate negotiations to economic cooperation

through the G-20.

With Mexico, in addition to trade cooperation, we are working together to identify and interdict threats

at the earliest opportunity, even before they reach North America. Stability and security in Mexico are

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

indispensable to building a strong economic partnership, ghting the illicit drug and arms trade, and

promoting sound immigration policy.

Build Cooperation with Other 21st Century Centers of Inuence

The United States is part of a dynamic international environment, in which di erent nations are exerting

greater inuence, and advancing our interests will require expanding spheres of cooperation around the

word. Certain bilateral relationships—such as U.S. relations with China, India, and Russia—will be critical

to building broader cooperation on areas of mutual interest. And emerging powers in every region of the

world are increasingly asserting themselves, raising opportunities for partnership for the United States.

Asia: Asia’s dramatic economic growth has increased its connection to America’s future prosperity, and

its emerging centers of inuence make it increasingly important. We have taken substantial steps to

deepen our engagement in the region, through regional organizations, new dialogues, and high-level

diplomacy. The United States has deep and enduring ties with the countries of the region, including

trade and investment that drive growth and prosperity on both sides of the Pacic, and enhancing these

ties is critical to our e orts to advance balanced and sustainable growth and to doubling U.S. exports.

We have increasing security cooperation on issues such as violent extremism and nuclear proliferation.

We will work to advance these mutual interests through our alliances, deepen our relationships with

emerging powers, and pursue a stronger role in the region’s multilateral architecture, including the

Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia Pacic Economic Cooperation forum, the

Trans-Pacic Partnership, and the East Asia Summit.

We will continue to pursue a positive, constructive, and comprehensive relationship with China. We

welcome a China that takes on a responsible leadership role in working with the United States and the

international community to advance priorities like economic recovery, confronting climate change, and

nonproliferation. We will monitor China’s military modernization program and prepare accordingly to

ensure that U.S. interests and allies, regionally and globally, are not negatively a ected. More broadly,

we will encourage China to make choices that contribute to peace, security, and prosperity as its inu-

ence rises. We are using our newly established Strategic and Economic Dialogue to address a broader

range of issues, and improve communication between our militaries in order to reduce mistrust. We

will encourage continued reduction in tension between the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan. We

will not agree on every issue, and we will be candid on our human rights concerns and areas where

we di er. But disagreements should not prevent cooperation on issues of mutual interest, because a

pragmatic and e ective relationship between the United States and China is essential to address the

major challenges of the 21st century.

The United States and India are building a strategic partnership that is underpinned by our shared

interests, our shared values as the world’s two largest democracies, and close connections among our

people. India’s responsible advancement serves as a positive example for developing nations, and

provides an opportunity for increased economic, scientic, environmental, and security partnership.

Working together through our Strategic Dialogue and high-level visits, we seek a broad-based relation-

ship in which India contributes to global counterterrorism e orts, nonproliferation, and helps promote

poverty-reduction, education, health, and sustainable agriculture. We value India’s growing leadership

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

on a wide array of global issues, through groups such as the G-20, and will seek to work with India to

promote stability in South Asia and elsewhere in the world.

Russia: We seek to build a stable, substantive, multidimensional relationship with Russia, based on

mutual interests. The United States has an interest in a strong, peaceful, and prosperous Russia that

respects international norms. As the two nations possessing the majority of the world’s nuclear weap-

ons, we are working together to advance nonproliferation, both by reducing our nuclear arsenals and

by cooperating to ensure that other countries meet their international commitments to reducing the

spread of nuclear weapons around the world. We will seek greater partnership with Russia in confronting

violent extremism, especially in Afghanistan. We also will seek new trade and investment arrangements

for increasing the prosperity of our peoples. We support e orts within Russia to promote the rule of

law, accountable government, and universal values. While actively seeking Russia’s cooperation to act

as a responsible partner in Europe and Asia, we will support the sovereignty and territorial integrity of

Russia’s neighbors.

Emerging Centers of Inuence: Due to increased economic growth and political stability, individual

nations are increasingly taking on powerful regional and global roles and changing the landscape of

international cooperation. To achieve a just and sustainable order that advances our shared security and

prosperity, we are, therefore, deepening our partnerships with emerging powers and encouraging them

to play a greater role in strengthening international norms and advancing shared interests.

The rise of the G-20, for example, as the premier international economic forum, represents a distinct shift

in our global international order toward greater cooperation between traditional major economies and

emerging centers of inuence. The nations composing the G-20—from South Korea to South Africa,

Saudi Arabia to Argentina—represent at least 80 percent of global gross national product, making it an

inuential body on the world stage. Stabilizing our global economy, increasing energy eciency around

the globe, and addressing chronic hunger in poor countries are only three examples of the broad global

challenges that cannot be solved by a few countries alone.

Indonesia—as the world’s fourth most populous country, a member of the G-20, and a democracy—will

become an increasingly important partner on regional and transnational issues such as climate change,

counterterrorism, maritime security, peacekeeping, and disaster relief. With tolerance, resilience, and

multiculturalism as core values, and a ourishing civil society, Indonesia is uniquely positioned to help

address challenges facing the developing world.

In the Americas, we are bound by proximity, integrated markets, energy interdependence, a broadly

shared commitment to democracy, and the rule of law. Our deep historical, familial, and cultural ties

make our alliances and partnerships critical to U.S. interests. We will work in equal partnership to advance

economic and social inclusion, safeguard citizen safety and security, promote clean energy, and defend

universal values of the people of the hemisphere.

We welcome Brazil’s leadership and seek to move beyond dated North-South divisions to pursue

progress on bilateral, hemispheric, and global issues. Brazil’s macroeconomic success, coupled with its

steps to narrow socioeconomic gaps, provide important lessons for countries throughout the Americas

and Africa. We will encourage Brazilian e orts against illicit transnational networks. As guardian of a

unique national environmental patrimony and a leader in renewable fuels, Brazil is an important partner

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

in confronting global climate change and promoting energy security. And in the context of the G-20

and the Doha round, we will work with Brazil to ensure that economic development and prosperity is

broadly shared.

We have an array of enduring interests, longstanding commitments and new opportunities for broaden-

ing and deepening relationships in the greater Middle East. This includes maintaining a strong partner-

ship with Israel while supporting Israel’s lasting integration into the region. The U.S. also will continue

to develop our key security relationships in the region with such Arab states as with Egypt, Jordan,

and Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries—partnerships that enable our

militaries and defense systems to work together more e ectively.

We have a strategic interest in ensuring that the social and economic needs and political rights of people

in this region, who represent one of the world’s youngest populations, are met. We will continue to

press governments in the region to undertake political reforms and to loosen restrictions on speech,

assembly and media. We will maintain our strong support for civil society groups and those individuals

who stand up for universal rights. And we will continue to foster partnerships in areas like education,

economic growth, science, and health to help expand opportunity. On a multilateral basis, we seek to

advance shared security interests, such as through NATO’s Istanbul Cooperation Initiative with the GCC,

and common interests in promoting governance and institutional reform through participating in the

Forum for the Future and other regional dialogues.

The diversity and complexity of the African continent o er the United States opportunities and chal-

lenges. As African states grow their economies and strengthen their democratic institutions and gov-

ernance, America will continue to embrace e ective partnerships. Our economic, security, and political

cooperation will be consultative and encompass global, regional, and national priorities including access

to open markets, conict prevention, global peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and the protection of vital

carbon sinks. The Administration will refocus its priorities on strategic interventions that can promote job

creation and economic growth; combat corruption while strengthening good governance and account-

ability; responsibly improve the capacity of African security and rule of law sectors; and work through

diplomatic dialogue to mitigate local and regional tensions before they become crises. We will also

reinforce sustainable stability in key states like Nigeria and Kenya that are essential subregional linchpins.

The United States will work to remain an attractive and inuential partner by ensuring that African

priorities such as infrastructure development, improving reliable access to power, and increased trade

and investment remain high on our agenda. South Africa’s inclusion in the G-20 should be followed by a

growing number of emerging African nations who are charting a course toward improved governance

and meaningful development. South Africa’s vibrant democracy, combined with its regional and global

leadership roles, is a critical partner. From peacemaking to climate change to capacity-building, South

Africa brings unique value and perspective to international initiatives. With its strong, diversied, well-

managed economy, it often serves as a springboard to the entire African continent, and we will work

to pursue shared interests in Africa’s security, growth, and the development of Africa’s human capital.

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

Strengthen Institutions and Mechanisms for Cooperation

Just as U.S. foresight and leadership were essential to forging the architecture for international coopera-

tion after World War II, we must again lead global e orts to modernize the infrastructure for international

cooperation in the 21st century. Indeed, our ability to advance peace, security, and opportunity will

turn on our ability to strengthen both our national and our multilateral capabilities. To solve problems,

we will pursue modes of cooperation that reect evolving distributions of power and responsibility.

We need to assist existing institutions to perform e ectively. When they come up short, we must seek

meaningful changes and develop alternative mechanisms.

Enhance Cooperation with and Strengthen the United Nations: We are enhancing our coordination

with the U.N. and its agencies. We need a U.N. capable of fullling its founding purpose—maintaining

international peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. To this

end, we are paying our bills. We are intensifying e orts with partners on and outside the U.N. Security

Council to ensure timely, robust, and credible Council action to address threats to peace and security. We

favor Security Council reform that enhances the U.N.’s overall performance, credibility, and legitimacy.

Across the broader U.N. system we support reforms that promote e ective and ecient leadership and

management of the U.N.’s international civil service, and we are working with U.N. personnel and mem-

ber states to strengthen the U.N.’s leadership and operational capacity in peacekeeping, humanitarian

relief, post-disaster recovery, development assistance, and the promotion of human rights. And we are

supporting new U.N. frameworks and capacities for combating transnational threats like proliferation

of weapons of mass destruction, infectious disease, drug-tracking, and counterterrorism.

Pursue Decisions though a Wide Range of Frameworks and Coalitions: We need to spur and harness a

new diversity of instruments, alliances, and institutions in which a division of labor emerges on the basis

of e ectiveness, competency, and long-term reliability. This requires enhanced coordination among

the United Nations, regional organizations, international nancial institutions, specialized agencies,

and other actors that are better placed or equipped to manage certain threats and challenges. We are

attempting to forge new agreement on common global challenges among the world’s leading and

emerging powers to ensure that multilateral cooperation reects the sustained commitment of inuen-

tial countries. While we are pursuing G-8 initiatives with proven and long-standing partners, have begun

to shift the focus of our economic coordination to the G-20, which is more reective of today’s di usion

of power and the need to enlist the e orts of a broader spectrum of countries across Asia to Europe,

Africa to the Middle East, and our neighbors in the Americas. We are also renewing U.S. leadership in

the multilateral development banks and the IMF, and leveraging our engagement and investments in

these institutions to strengthen the global economy, lift people out of poverty, advance food security,

address climate and pandemics, and secure fragile states such as Afghanistan and Haiti.

Invest in Regional Capabilities: Regional organizations can be particularly e ective at mobilizing and

legitimating cooperation among countries closest to the problem. Regional organizations—whether

NATO, the Organization for Security Cooperation in Europe, the Organization of the Islamic Conference,

the African Union, Organization of American States, or ASEAN, and the Gulf Cooperation Council—vary

widely in their membership, constitutions, histories, orientation, and operational capabilities. That variety

needs to inform a strategic approach to their evolving roles and relative contributions to global security.

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

The United States is encouraging continued innovation and development of enhanced regional capabili-

ties in the context of an evolving division of labor among local, national, and global institutions that seeks

to leverage relative capacities. Where appropriate, we use training and related programs to strengthen

regional capacities for peacekeeping and conict management to improve impact and share burdens.

We will also encourage a more comprehensive approach to regional security that brings balanced focus

to issues such as food security, global health, and education; access to more a ordable and greener

forms of energy; access to fair and ecient justice; and a concerted e ort to promote transparency at

all levels and to ght the corrosive e ect of corruption.

Sustain Broad Cooperation on Key Global Challenges

Many of today’s challenges cannot be solved by one nation or even a group of nations. The test of our

international order, therefore, will be its ability to facilitate the broad and e ective global cooperation

necessary to meet 21st century challenges. Many of these challenges have been discussed previously,

including violent extremism, nuclear proliferation, and promotion of global prosperity. In addition, other

key challenges requiring broad global cooperation include:

Climate Change: The danger from climate change is real, urgent, and severe. The change wrought by a

warming planet will lead to new conicts over refugees and resources; new su ering from drought and

famine; catastrophic natural disasters; and the degradation of land across the globe. The United States

will therefore confront climate change based upon clear guidance from the science, and in cooperation

with all nations—for there is no e ective solution to climate change that does not depend upon all

nations taking responsibility for their own actions and for the planet we will leave behind.

• Home: Our e ort begins with the steps that we are taking at home. We will stimulate our energy

economy at home, reinvigorate the U.S. domestic nuclear industry, increase our eciency

standards, invest in renewable energy, and provide the incentives that make clean energy the

protable kind of energy. This will allow us to make deep cuts in emissions—in the range of 17

percent by 2020 and more than 80 percent by 2050. This will depend in part upon comprehen-

sive legislation and its e ective implementation.

• Abroad: Regionally, we will build on e orts in Asia, the Americas, and Africa to forge new clean

energy partnerships. Globally, we will seek to implement and build on the Copenhagen Accord,

and ensure a response to climate change that draws upon decisive action by all nations. Our goal

is an e ective, international e ort in which all major economies commit to ambitious national

action to reduce their emissions, nations meet their commitments in a transparent manner, and

the necessary nancing is mobilized so that developing countries can adapt to climate change,

mitigate its impacts, conserve forests, and invest in clean energy technologies. We will pursue

this global cooperation through multiple avenues, with a focus on advancing cooperation

that works. We accept the principle of common but di erentiated responses and respective

capabilities, but will insist that any approach draws upon each nation taking responsibility for

its own actions.

Peacekeeping and Armed Conict: The untold loss of human life, su ering, and property damage that

results from armed conict necessitates that all responsible nations work to prevent it. No single nation

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

can or should shoulder the burden for managing or resolving the world’s armed conicts. To this end,

we will place renewed emphasis on deterrence and prevention by mobilizing diplomatic action, and

use development and security sector assistance to build the capacity of at-risk nations and reduce

the appeal of violent extremism. But when international forces are needed to respond to threats and

keep the peace, we will work with international partners to ensure they are ready, able, and willing. We

will continue to build support in other countries to contribute to sustaining global peace and stability

operations, through U.N. peacekeeping and regional organizations, such as NATO and the African Union.

We will continue to broaden the pool of troop and police contributors, working to ensure that they are

properly trained and equipped, that their mandates are matched to means, and that their missions are

backed by the political action necessary to build and sustain peace.

In Sudan, which has been marred by violent conict for decades, the United States remains committed

to working with the international community to support implementation of outstanding elements of

the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and ensure that the referendum on the future of Southern Sudan

in 2011 happens on time and that its results are respected. In addition, we will continue to engage in the

e orts necessary to support peace and stability after the referendum, and continue to work to secure

peace, dignity, and accountability in Darfur.

• Prevent Genocide and Mass Atrocities: The United States and all member states of the U.N.

have endorsed the concept of the “Responsibility to Protect.” In so doing, we have recognized

that the primary responsibility for preventing genocide and mass atrocity rests with sovereign

governments, but that this responsibility passes to the broader international community when

sovereign governments themselves commit genocide or mass atrocities, or when they prove

unable or unwilling to take necessary action to prevent or respond to such crimes inside their

borders. The United States is committed to working with our allies, and to strengthening our

own internal capabilities, in order to ensure that the United States and the international com-

munity are proactively engaged in a strategic e ort to prevent mass atrocities and genocide.

In the event that prevention fails, the United States will work both multilaterally and bilaterally

to mobilize diplomatic, humanitarian, nancial, and—in certain instances—military means to

prevent and respond to genocide and mass atrocities.

• International Justice: From Nuremberg to Yugoslavia to Liberia, the United States has seen

that the end of impunity and the promotion of justice are not just moral imperatives; they

are stabilizing forces in international a airs. The United States is thus working to strengthen

national justice systems and is maintaining our support for ad hoc international tribunals and

hybrid courts. Those who intentionally target innocent civilians must be held accountable, and

we will continue to support institutions and prosecutions that advance this important interest.

Although the United States is not at present a party to the Rome Statute of the International

Criminal Court (ICC), and will always protect U.S. personnel, we are engaging with State Parties

to the Rome Statute on issues of concern and are supporting the ICC’s prosecution of those cases

that advance U.S. interests and values, consistent with the requirements of U.S. law.

Pandemics and Infectious Disease: The threat of contagious disease transcends political boundaries, and

the ability to prevent, quickly detect and contain outbreaks with pandemic potential has never been so

II I . ADVA NC I N G O U R I N T ER ES T S

★ ★

important. An epidemic that begins in a single community can quickly evolve into a multinational health

crisis that causes millions to su er, as well as spark major disruptions to travel and trade. Addressing these

transnational risks requires advance preparation, extensive collaboration with the global community,

and the development of a resilient population at home.

Recognizing that the health of the world’s population has never been more interdependent, we

are improving our public health and medical capabilities on the front lines, including domestic and

international disease surveillance, situational awareness, rapid and reliable development of medical

countermeasures to respond to public health threats, preparedness education and training, and surge

capacity of the domestic health care system to respond to an inux of patients due to a disaster or

emergency. These capabilities include our ability to work with international partners to mitigate and

contain disease when necessary.

We are enhancing international collaboration and strengthening multilateral institutions in order to

improve global surveillance and early warning capabilities and quickly enact control and containment

measures against the next pandemic threat. We continue to improve our understanding of emerging

diseases and help develop environments that are less conducive to epidemic emergence. We depend

on U.S. overseas laboratories, relationships with host nation governments, and the willingness of states

to share health data with nongovernmental and international organizations. In this regard, we need to

continue to work to overcome the lack of openness and a general reluctance to share health information.

Finally, we seek to mitigate other problem areas, including limited global vaccine production capacity,

and the threat of emergent and reemergent disease in poorly governed states.

Transnational Criminal Threats and Threats to Governance: Transnational criminal threats and illicit

tracking networks continue to expand dramatically in size, scope, and inuence—posing signicant

national security challenges for the United States and our partner countries. These threats cross borders

and continents and undermine the stability of nations, subverting government institutions through

corruption and harming citizens worldwide. Transnational criminal organizations have accumulated

unprecedented wealth and power through tracking and other illicit activities, penetrating legitimate

nancial systems and destabilizing commercial markets. They extend their reach by forming alliances

with government ocials and some state security services. The crime-terror nexus is a serious concern

as terrorists use criminal networks for logistical support and funding. Increasingly, these networks are

involved in cyber crime, which cost consumers billions of dollars annually, while undermining global

condence in the international nancial system.

Combating transnational criminal and tracking networks requires a multidimensional strategy that

safeguards citizens, breaks the nancial strength of criminal and terrorist networks, disrupts illicit track-

ing networks, defeats transnational criminal organizations, ghts government corruption, strengthens

the rule of law, bolsters judicial systems, and improves transparency. While these are major challenges,

the United States will be able to devise and execute a collective strategy with other nations facing the

same threats.

Safeguarding the Global Commons: Across the globe, we must work in concert with allies and partners

to optimize the use of shared sea, air, and space domains. These shared areas, which exist outside exclu-

sive national jurisdictions, are the connective tissue around our globe upon which all nations’ security

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

and prosperity depend. The United States will continue to help safeguard access, promote security,

and ensure the sustainable use of resources in these domains. These e orts require strong multilateral

cooperation, enhanced domain awareness and monitoring, and the strengthening of international

norms and standards.

We must work together to ensure the constant ow of commerce, facilitate safe and secure air travel,

and prevent disruptions to critical communications. We must also safeguard the sea, air, and space

domains from those who would deny access or use them for hostile purposes. This includes keeping

strategic straits and vital sea lanes open, improving the early detection of emerging maritime threats,

denying adversaries hostile use of the air domain, and ensuring the responsible use of space. As one

key e ort in the sea domain, for example, we will pursue ratication of the United Nations Convention

on the Law of the Sea.

Many of these goals are equally applicable to cyberspace. While cyberspace relies on the digital infra-

structure of individual countries, such infrastructure is globally connected, and securing it requires global

cooperation. We will push for the recognition of norms of behavior in cyberspace, and otherwise work

with global partners to ensure the protection of the free ow of information and our continued access.

At all times, we will continue to defend our digital networks from intrusion and harmful disruption.

Arctic Interests: The United States is an Arctic Nation with broad and fundamental interests in the Arctic

region, where we seek to meet our national security needs, protect the environment, responsibly

manage resources, account for indigenous communities, support scientic research, and strengthen

international cooperation on a wide range of issues.

★ ★

IV. Conclusion

“It’s easy to forget that, when this war began, we were united, bound together by the

fresh memory of a horric attack and by the determination to defend our homeland

and the values we hold dear. I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that

unity again. I believe with every ber of my being that we, as Americans, can still come

together behind a common purpose, for our values are not simply words written into

parchment. ey are a creed that calls us together and that has carried us through the

darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.”

—President Barack Obama, West Point, New York, December 2, 2009

—

This strategy calls for a comprehensive range of national actions, and a broad conception of what con-

stitutes our national security. Above all, it is about renewing our leadership by calling upon what is best

about America—our innovation and capacity; our openness and moral imagination.

Success will require approaches that can be sustained and achieve results. One of the reasons that this

nation succeeded in the second half of the 20th century was its capacity to pursue policies and build

institutions that endured across multiple Administrations, while also preserving the exibility to endure

setbacks and to make necessary adjustments. In some instances, the United States has been able to

carry forward this example in the years since the Cold War. But there are also many open questions,

unnished reforms, and deep divisions—at home and abroad—that constrain our ability to advance

our interests and renew our leadership.

To e ectively craft and implement a sustainable, results-oriented national security strategy, there must

be e ective cooperation between the branches of government. This Administration believes that we

are strong when we act in line with our laws, as the Constitution itself demands. This Administration is

also committed to active consultation with Congress, and welcomes robust and e ective oversight of its

national security policies. We welcome Congress as a full partner in forging durable solutions to tough

challenges, looking beyond the headlines to take a long view of America’s interests. And we encour-

age Congress to pursue oversight in line with the reforms that have been enacted through legislation,

particularly in the years since 9/11.

The executive branch must do its part by developing integrated plans and approaches that leverage

the capabilities across its departments and agencies to deal with the issues we confront. Collaboration

across the government—and with our partners at the state, local, and tribal levels of government, in

industry, and abroad—must guide our actions.

This kind of e ective cooperation will depend upon broad and bipartisan cooperation. Throughout the

Cold War, even as there were intense disagreements about certain courses of action, there remained a

belief that America’s political leaders shared common goals, even if they di ered about how to reach

them. In today’s political environment, due to the actions of both parties that sense of common purpose

is at times lacking in our national security dialogue. This division places the United States at a strategic

NAT IO NA L SE C UR I T Y ST R AT EG Y

★ ★

disadvantage. It sets back our ability to deal with dicult challenges and injects a sense of anxiety

and polarization into our politics that can a ect our policies and our posture around the world. It must

be replaced by a renewed sense of civility and a commitment to embrace our common purpose as

Americans.

Americans are by nature a condent and optimistic people. We would not have achieved our position of

leadership in the world without the extraordinary strength of our founding documents and the capability

and courage of generations of Americans who gave life to those values—through their service, through

their sacrices, through their aspirations, and through their pursuit of a more perfect union. We see those

same qualities today, particularly in our young men and women in uniform who have served tour after

tour of duty to defend our nation in harm’s way, and their civilian counterparts.

This responsibility cannot be theirs alone. And there is no question that we, as a nation, can meet our

responsibility as Americans once more. Even in a world of enormous challenges, no threat is bigger than

the American peoples’ capacity to meet it, and no opportunity exceeds our reach. We continue to draw

strength from those founding documents that established the creed that binds us together. We, too,

can demonstrate the capability and courage to pursue a more perfect union and—in doing so—renew

American leadership in the world.