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Resilience Education
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Print Publication Date: Jan 2013 Subject: Psychology, Social Psychology, Clinical Psychology
Online Publication Date: Aug 2013 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199557257.013.0046
Resilience Education
Jane E. Gillham, Rachel M. Abenavoli, Steven M. Brunwasser, Mark Linkins,
Karen J. Reivich, and Martin E. P. Seligman
Oxford Handbook of Happiness
Edited by Ilona Boniwell, Susan A. David, and Amanda Conley Ayers
Abstract and Keywords
As a primary learning and social environment for most children, schools have tremendous
potential to, and responsibility for, promoting resilience and well-being in children. This
chapter reviews the rationale for focusing on resilience in education and illustrates some
of the ways that schools can promote resilience in young people. Although resilience edu
cation can also encompass academic or educational resilience, the authors focus primari
ly on the power of schools to promote students’ social and emotional well-being and pro
vide examples from their team’s work on school-based resilience and positive psychology
interventions. As they hope to show, resilience education holds great promise in promot
ing the well-being of all students.
Keywords: resilience, positive youth development, prevention, well-being, positive education, positive psychology,
children, adolescents, youth, schools, education
The aim of education should always transcend the development of academic com
petence. Schools have the added responsibility of preparing fully-functioning and
resilient individuals capable of fulfilling their hopes and their aspirations. To do
so, they must be armed with optimism, confidence, self-regard, and regard for oth
ers, and they must be shielded from unwarranted doubts about their potentialities
and capacity for growth.
Pajares (2009, p. 158)
Introduction
ONE of the most striking findings in developmental and clinical research is that children
who have been exposed to trauma, poverty, community violence, and other serious risk
factors often reach, and sometime surpass, normal developmental milestones. Research
has identified many qualities in individuals and their social environments that promote re
silience, and many of these qualities are malleable. That is, individuals can learn specific
Resilience Education
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skills that contribute to resilience, and social environments can be structured in ways
that promote resilience.
As a primary learning and social environment for most children, schools have tremendous
potential to—and responsibility for—promoting resilience and well-being in children. This
chapter reviews the rationale for focusing on resilience in education and illustrates some
of the ways that schools can promote resilience in young people. Although resilience edu
cation can also encompass academic or educational resilience, we focus primarily on
(p. 610)
the power of schools to promote students’ social and emotional well-being and
provide examples from our team's work on school-based resilience and positive psycholo
gy interventions. As we hope to show, resilience education holds great promise in promot
ing the well-being of all students.
Resilience
Many children who are exposed to harmful experiences and environments are remarkably
resilient (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000; Masten, 2001). These children do not suffer
the negative consequences that are expected for them. They adapt. Many of them thrive.
Such resilience does not imply that risk factors such as poverty, violence, and trauma are
benign or should be accepted. The phenomenon of resilience does imply, however, that
psychologists’ understanding of children's development has been deficient. For many
decades, clinical and developmental research focused on how children are damaged by
adversity and ignored the capacity for positive development and growth even in the worst
circumstances.
Resilience has been defined as a “dynamic process of positive adaptation or development
in the context of significant adversity” (Luthar et al., 2000, p. 543). Youth who show re
silience display “good outcomes in spite of serious threats to adaptation or
development” (Masten, 2001, p. 228). As researchers have expanded their focus from pre
dicting negative outcomes to also predicting positive outcomes and adaptation, they have
discovered many qualities within people, families, and communities that can promote re
silience. Although some qualities are especially important for children in high risk con
texts, many promote children's social and emotional well-being in general (Collaborative
for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL), 2003; Goleman, 1995; Luthar,
2006; Zins, Bloodworth, Weissberg, & Walberg, 2004). Fig. 46.1 lists many of these pro
motive qualities.
Some of the personal strengths and skills that are frequently mentioned across the re
silience literature include: emotional competence (emotion awareness and regulation),
self-regulation (impulse control, goal setting, self-discipline, perseverance), problem-solv
ing and decision-making (being able to think creatively, flexibly, and realistically about the
problems one encounters), social awareness (perspective taking, empathy, respect for
others), social competence (communication, social engagement, teamwork, conflict man
agement, giving and receiving help), self-efficacy, optimism, and a sense of purpose or
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Fig. 46.1 Personal and social qualities that promote
resilience.
meaning (for reviews, see Benard, 2004; CASEL, 2003; Goleman, 1995; Luthar, 2006;
Reivich & Shatté, 2002; Zins et al., 2004). For example, personal skills and strengths such
as self-control, problem-solving, and optimism are linked to higher academic achieve
ment, to more positive relationships, and to greater emotional well-being (Duckworth &
Seligman, 2005; Fincham & Bradbury, 1993; Seligman, 1991). These personal qualities in
clude many of the character strengths identified in recent research in positive psychology
(Park & Peterson, 2006; Peterson & Seligman, 2004).
Family, school, and community environments also promote resilience. Some of the envi
ronmental factors that foster resilience include caring relationships, safety, prosocial
norms, high expectations, structure and guidance, and opportunities to contribute or to
matter (Benard, 2004; Benninga, Berkowitz, Kuehn, & Smith, 2006; CASEL, 2003; Eccles,
Flanagan, Lord, Midgley, Roeser, & Yee, 1996; Luthar, 2006; Reivich & Shatté, 2002;
Wang, 2009;
(p. 611)
Zins et al., 2004). Students with strong connections to school and to
family are less likely than their peers to develop depression and to engage in substance
use, violence, and other risky behaviors (Benard, 2004; Resnick et al., 1997; Rutter,
Maughan, Mortimore, & Ouston, 1982; Wang, 2009). These connections may be especially
important to children who are growing up in communities plagued by poverty and vio
lence (Rutter et al., 1982; Wang, Haertel, & Walberg, 1994).
Positive environments and adaptive personal characteristics can be mutually reinforcing.
Nurturing environments encourage the development of children's strengths. For example,
teachers who convey high expectations and who help students to reach their potential
promote optimism, self-efficacy, and persistence in their students. Children's strengths al
so shape their environments. Students who can control impulses help to create a safe
school environment. Students who are kind help to create a nurturing and supportive en
vironment. Over time, these different personal and environmental qualities interact and
work together to promote resilience. Some qualities are linked to specific outcomes or
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are especially important in particular contexts. Thus, Fig. 46.1 presents a simplified mod
el.
Research suggests that the characteristics of children's social environments are stronger
predictors of resilience than children's personal qualities. In her review of the last 50
years of resilience research, Luthar (2006) concludes:
The first major take-home message is this: Resilience rests, fundamentally, on re
lationships. The desire to belong is a basic human need and positive connections
with others lie at the
(p. 612)
very core of psychological development; strong, sup
portive relationships are critical for achieving and sustaining resilient adaptation.
(p. 42)
This calls to mind Peterson's three-word summary of positive psychology research: “Other
people matter” (Peterson, 2006, p. 249). Peterson also reminds us that “we are all the oth
er people who can matter so much” (Peterson, 2008, np).
Resilience Education
The role of schools
Next to family, school is the most important social environment for most children. In the
USA, more than 94,000 public schools provide education to more than 47 million students
(Snyder & Hoffman, 2003). An additional 28,000 private schools provide education to
more than 5 million children (Snyder, Tan, & Hoffman, 2006). Children and teens spend,
on average, more than 30 hours a week at school (Juster, Ono, & Stafford, 2004). Because
of its central role in children's development, formal education has enormous potential to
promote resilience. Rutter and colleagues (1982) emphasize this potential in the opening
to their ground breaking study of schools in the UK:
For almost a dozen years during a formative period of their development, children
spend almost as much of their waking life at school as at home. Altogether, this
works out to some 15,000 hours (from the age of five until school leaving) during
which schools and teachers may have an impact on the development of children in
their care. (p. 1)
Schools can promote resilience by providing nurturing environments and by cultivating
students’ personal skills and strengths. Schools that provide children with safe and car
ing learning environments make a profound difference in children's lives, especially when
these qualities are lacking or inconsistent in children's communities or families (Rutter et
al., 1982; Wang et al., 1994). Schools are an ideal place for children to learn self-regula
tion and social skills such as empathy and teamwork that are essential for positive rela
tionships and achievement. And because interpersonal and academic challenges are a
regular part of life for most students at one time or another, there is ample opportunity to
teach coping and problem solving skills in schools. Ultimately, education that focuses on
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resilience has the potential to promote students’ growth and well-being both in and out of
school, and long after students’ participation in formal education has ended.
Overlap with other educational initiatives
Resilience education (education that aims to foster students’ resilience) overlaps with ed
ucational initiatives that promote good character (Berkowitz & Bier, 2004; Elias, Wang,
Weissberg, Zins, & Walberg, 2002) and social and emotional learning (CASEL, 2003,
2007), as well as psychosocial interventions that aim to prevent psychopathology, sub
stance use, and other negative outcomes (National Research Council and Institute of
Medicine, 2009; Weissberg, Kumpfer, & Seligman, 2003). For example, CASEL defines so
cial and emotional learning as “the process of acquiring the skills to recognize and man
age emotions, set and achieve positive goals, appreciate the perspectives of others, estab
lish and maintain positive
(p. 613)
relationships, make responsible decisions, and handle
interpersonal situations effectively” (CASEL, 2007, p. 1). Similarly, Elias and colleagues
define social emotional learning as “the process through which we learn to recognize and
manage emotions, care about others, make good decisions, behave ethically and responsi
bly, develop positive relationships, and avoid negative behaviors” (Elias et al., 1997, as
cited in Zins et al., 2004, p. 4). These behaviors and skills are central to resilience as well
as to social and emotional well-being more generally. Resilience education is a component
of “positive education” (Seligman, Ernst, Gillham, Reivich, & Linkins, 2009) and of posi
tive youth development (Catalano, Berglund, Ryan, Lonczak, & Hawkins, 2004).
The need for resilience education
Many psychologists and educators have argued that resilience skills are more important
for children today than ever before (e.g., Greenberg et al., 2003). The number of children
exposed to major adversity is staggering. In the USA, close to 50% of youth are exposed
to violence each year, including 19% who witness a violent act within their community
(Finkelhor, Turner, Ormrod, Hamby, & Kracke, 2009). Nearly 10% of youth witness vio
lence between family members each year and nearly 10% of children are victims of physi
cal or emotional abuse or neglect (Finkelhor et al., 2009). About 20% of children under 18
live in poverty (US Census Bureau, 2009). Children who live in poverty are more likely to
experience other family and community risk factors such as violence, parental depres
sion, parental conflict, abuse, and neglect (Evans, 2004). They are more likely than chil
dren from middle class or affluent communities to attend struggling schools and to be ex
posed to pollution and other environment risk factors (Evans, 2004). Thus, multiple risk
factors converge in the lives of many children.
Psychological and behavioral difficulties are also very common among children. In a given
year, about 20% of children will have diagnosable psychological disorders, such as de
pression or anxiety, that create at least mild impairment in functioning (US Department of
Health and Human Services, 1999). Each year, about 5–9% of children are classified as
having a “serious emotional disturbance” (US Department of Health and Human Services,
1999). Many adolescents experience elevated symptoms of depression, anxiety, and other
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psychological difficulties that do not reach the threshold for clinical diagnoses (Nolen-
Hoeksema, Girgus, & Seligman, 1986). In a recent Centers for Disease Control and Pre
vention study, 28.5% of youth reported feeling so sad or hopeless that they stopped their
normal activities at some point in the past year, and 11.3% had made a plan to commit
suicide (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2008).
There is some evidence that rates of psychological problems have increased during the
last century. For example, research by Twenge and colleagues indicates that narcissistic
and antisocial personality traits, depression, and anxiety have increased substantially
over the last 50–70 years (Twenge, 2000; Twenge & Foster, 2010; Twenge et al., 2010).
These findings are controversial; other research suggests that the rates of depression and
other disorders have not increased substantially (Costello, Erkanli, & Angold, 2006). Nev
ertheless, mental health and public health experts agree that psychological and behav
ioral difficulties are extremely prevalent among school-age youth, especially during ado
lescence. Adolescents who develop depression and substance dependence are at high risk
for future episodes and the associated difficulties throughout adulthood (Harrington,
Fudge, Rutter, Pickles, & Hill,
(p. 614)
1990; Kim-Cohen et al., 2003). Thus, programs that
promote resilience during adolescence could have an enormous impact across a life time.
Teaching resilience broadly
Relevant to all students
Recent studies suggest that prevention programs that target youth at high risk are partic
ularly beneficial (Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group, 2007; Horowitz & Gar
ber, 2006; Stice, Shaw, Bohon, Marti, & Rohde, 2009), but educational initiatives that aim
to reach all children are also important. Many risk factors are common and many children
(even those believed to be at “low risk”) will experience significant stressors or distress
at some point during their school years. In addition, our knowledge of risk factors is in
complete. Significant risk factors may exist and even be common in environments that
have traditionally been viewed as “low risk.” For example, recent research suggests that
many youth from backgrounds that are traditionally considered to be privileged are at
high risk for anxiety, substance use, and other problems, perhaps because of the intense
pressures to achieve and limited time with parents (Luthar & Latendresse, 2005).
Applicable to a range of challenges
When people think about resilience, major adversities typically come to mind, for exam
ple, the child who performs well in school and who develops close connections to others
despite enduring years of abuse and neglect. While such outcomes clearly signify re
silience, our research team conceptualizes resilience more broadly. The process of re
silience is also reflected in positive adaptation in response to everyday stressors (e.g.,
conflicts with peers, low marks in school) and common life transitions (e.g., the birth of a
sibling, the break-up of relationship during adolescence). This broader definition appears
justified given the evidence that both major life events and daily stressors contribute to
depression and other difficulties (Bockting, Spinhoven, Koeter, Wouters, & Schene, 2006;
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Kwon & Laurencaeu, 2002; Libby & Glenwick, 2010; Sund, Larsson, & Wichstrom, 2003;
Thompson et al., 2007). Over time, responses to everyday events can develop into habits
that either promote or detract from well-being, relationships, and ability to reach one's
goals.
Consistent with comprehensive education
Resilience education is consistent with a broad view of the purpose of education, as
preparing youth to become lifelong learners who are productive, caring, and responsible
members of the community (Cohen, 2006; Elias et al., 2002; Seligman et al., 2009). This
broader view of education is supported by many parents and educators. For example, re
cent surveys indicate that two-thirds of adults in the USA believe that schools should be
responsible for dealing with the social, emotional, and behavioral needs of their students
(Rose & Gallup, 2007). About 85% want schools to focus more on the prevention of drug
and alcohol abuse (Rose & Gallop, 2000). Respondents also gave high ratings to educa
tional goals such as preparing youth to become responsible citizens, improving social con
ditions, enhancing happiness,
(p. 615)
and enriching people's lives (Rose & Gallup, 2000).
More than 70% of respondents wanted schools to focus more on promoting racial and
ethnic understanding and tolerance (Rose & Gallup, 2000). Creating the conditions neces
sary to meet these expectations should be a focus of our educational system.
Approaches and findings
Two general approaches to enhancing resilience are through: (1) teaching skills and culti
vating strengths and (2) promoting a nurturing school climate or culture. Initiatives that
focus on teaching resilience skills and cultivating strengths often use curricula and for
mal instruction, explicit modeling, and/or coaching. Initiatives that focus on school cli
mate may focus on instructional practices; school rules, policies, goals, and aspirations;
support networks such as counseling and advisory; and increased collaborations with
families and with individuals and organizations in the community that serve youth (Be
nard, 2004; Cohen, McCabe, Michelli, & Pickeral, 2009). Several approaches may be com
bined to weave resilience education into the fabric of the school.
Research findings
There is considerable evidence for benefits from curricula and other school-based inter
ventions that are designed to promote resilience in youth. For example, the Coping with
Stress Course, which teaches coping and problem solving to adolescents with elevated
symptoms of depression, prevents the onset of depressive disorders (Clarke et al., 1995).
The Social Decision Making and Social Problem Solving Program, a curriculum that
teaches self-control, social awareness, problem-solving, and decision-making, increases
prosocial behavior and reduces behavioral problems in students (Elias, 2004). The Pro
moting Alternative THinking Strategies (or PATHS) program, which teaches emotional
awareness, social competence, and problem-solving, improves social skills and prevents
behavior problems and symptoms of anxiety and depression (Greenberg, Kusché, & Rig
gs, 2004). The Seattle Social Development program, a program for 1st through 6th
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graders that promotes a positive classroom environment and teaches social competence
and problem-solving skills, prevents aggression, violence, substance use, and other high-
risk behavior through adolescence (Hawkins, Smith, & Catalano, 2004).
Programs that teach resilience and promote students’ social and emotional development
have a wide range of positive effects. CASEL recently reviewed the relevant research lit
eratures for: (1) universal programs (often delivered to whole classrooms), designed for
implementation with all students, (2) indicated programs (typically small group interven
tions), designed for students who are showing early signs of behavioral or emotional
problems, and (3) after-school programs (Payton et al., 2008). Together these reviews in
cluded more than 300 studies with about 300,000 students. On average, these programs
significantly improved students’ emotional well-being, social skills, classroom behavior,
attitudes about school, and achievement. All three types of programs (universal, indicat
ed, after-school) were beneficial relative to control. These findings are consistent with
those of other recent reviews of school and community programs designed to promote so
cial and emotional development and prevent psychological and behavioral problems (e.g.,
Catalano et al., 2004; Greenberg et al., 2003; Zins et al., 2004).
(p. 616)
The CASEL review also found that children from different geographic, socioeco
nomic, and racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds benefited from school-based pro
grams. Findings from CASEL's reviews of universal and indicated programs suggest that
these programs are effective when delivered by school staff, and not just by external re
search teams that may take the lead in developing and evaluating them. This is a promis
ing finding that suggests that programs that promote social and emotional skills can be
effectively incorporated into regular educational practice.
Benefits for learning and achievement
Despite the common concern that devoting resources to students’ social and emotional
well-being may detract from efforts to promote student achievement, recent reviews con
firm what many teachers and resilience researchers have long argued: the personal and
environmental qualities that promote social and emotional resilience also promote stu
dents’ learning and engagement in school. For example, self-regulation and optimism pre
dict success at school, even when controlling for past achievement or scores on intelli
gence tests (Duckworth & Seligman, 2005; Schulman, 1995). Students who feel more con
nected to school have better attendance and higher achievement (Christenson & Havsy,
2004; Goodenow, 1993; Gottfredson & Gottfredson, 1989). Indeed, these personal and en
vironmental factors may be at least as important to achievement as intellectual capacity
alone (Lopes & Salovey, 2004). For example, Duckworth and Seligman (2005) found that
self-discipline was a stronger predictor than IQ of adolescents’ grades. Sternberg and col
leagues (2001) estimate that IQ accounts for less than 30% of grades, job performance,
and other real-world outcomes, meaning that other individual and environmental factors
play a crucial role in achievement.
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Attending to social and emotional well-being may also prevent disengagement from
school, which is common in adolescence. Children's enjoyment of school often declines
during middle school and high school (Eccles et al., 1996). In the USA, more than 10% of
students leave school without obtaining a high school diploma or its equivalent. Only
about 74% of students graduate from high school on time (Snyder & Tan, 2005). Some
students are pulled away from school by work, family, and other pressures. Research sug
gests, however, that factors that push students away (such as difficulties getting along
with teachers and peers) are even more important (Christenson & Havsy, 2004; Jordan,
McPartland, & Lara, 1999).
This disengagement coincides with changes in school environment that make it difficult
to maintain a positive school culture. For example, as children make the transition from
elementary school to middle school, they encounter larger schools, larger classes, more
distant relationships with teachers and peers, and feedback systems that focus on perfor
mance relative to others rather than effort and self-improvement (Eccles et al., 1996). It is
not surprising that students’ perceptions of school become more negative during this
time. In a recent survey of youth in California, 61% of 5th graders reported their schools
provided caring relationships and 62% reported that their schools provided high expecta
tions. By 11th grade, these numbers had dropped to 29% and 35%, respectively. Few stu
dents across all grades reported meaningful opportunities to participate (Benard & Slade,
2009). Thus, the social qualities that promote resilience appear to be lacking in many
high schools. Programs that promote positive connections to school can enhance engage
ment in learning. For example, the Check & Connect program, which provides caring
mentors from within the school
(p. 617)
community to students at risk for school failure,
reduces students’ behavioral problems and suspensions, and increases attendance and
achievement (Christenson & Havsy, 2004). Programs that promote students’ social and
emotional skills can also enhance their academic achievement (CASEL, 2007; Elias et al.,
2002; Greenberg et al., 2003; Seligman et al., 2009; Zins et al., 2004). For example, sever
al substance use and violence prevention programs that promote problem-solving, cop
ing, and social competence also improve grades, graduation rates, standardized test
scores, as well as specific reading, math, writing, and cognitive skills (Substance Abuse
and Mental Health Services Administration, 2009; Wilson, Gottfredson, & Najaka, 2001).
The CASEL reviews found significant benefits on achievement for universal, indicated,
and after-school programs (Payton et al., 2008).
Two Programs for Children and Adolescents
For the past 15 years, our research team has been developing, evaluating, and (more re
cently) disseminating school-based interventions designed to promote resilience and well-
being in children and adolescents. Much of this work has focused on two types of inter
ventions: programs designed to promote resilience by teaching problem solving and cop
ing skills, and programs intended to increase students’ positive emotions, personal
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strengths, and sense of meaning and fulfillment. Here we briefly review two of our pro
grams for school-age youth.
The Penn Resiliency Program
The Penn Resiliency Program (PRP; Gillham, Reivich, & Jaycox, 2008) is a school-based,
group program for late elementary through middle-school age students (approximately
10–14 years old). PRP grew out of cognitive behavioral theories and interventions used to
treat psychological disorders, especially depression (Beck, 1976; Beck, Rush, Shaw, &
Emery, 1979; Ellis, 1962; Seligman, 1991).
PRP is delivered in a small group format by teachers and counselors. The program uses a
variety of teaching methods. Group leaders introduce concepts and skills through skits,
discussions, and didactic instruction. Students then practice these skills through role
plays and other hands-on activities, first using hypothetical scenarios. Group leaders then
help students apply the skills to their own experiences. Each lesson ends with assign
ments that encourage students to use the skills in real life situations. For a detailed de
scription of PRP see Gillham, Brunwasser, and Freres (2008).
PRP fosters several personal strengths and skills that are related to resilience (Reivich &
Gillham, 2010; Reivich & Shatté, 2002):
• Emotional competence—being able to identify, label, and express emotions, and con
trol emotions when appropriate.
• Self-control—being able to identify and resist impulses that are counterproductive
for a given situation or for reaching long-term goals.
(p. 618)
• Problem-solving and decision-making—especially the skills of flexibility (being able to
consider a range of possible interpretations, to see situations from multiple perspec
tives, and to generate a variety of solutions to problems) and judgment (being able to
make informed decisions based on evidence).
• Social awareness—being able to consider others’ perspectives and empathize with
others.
• Social competence—being able to work through challenges in important relation
ships.
• Self-efficacy and realistic optimism—confidence in one's abilities to reach goals and
to identify and implement coping and problem-solving skills that are suited to a situa
tion.
PRP includes two major components: cognitive skills and problem-solving. The cognitive
component teaches a variety of skills that help students to become more aware of their
emotions and to think more flexibly and accurately about problems. Ellis's ABC model is
central to this component: when Activating events (or adversities) occur, our Beliefs or in
terpretations largely determine the event's emotional and behavioral Consequences.
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Fig. 46.2 A negative self-fulfilling prophecy in an
achievement context.
Fig. 46.3 A negative self-fulfilling prophecy in a so
cial context.
Thus, in the same situations, different sets of beliefs may lead people to respond in very
different ways.
In PRP, students learn to identify their emotional experiences, to monitor their interpreta
tions (or “self-talk”), and to identify habitual patterns in their thinking (e.g., pessimism)
that may be inaccurate or maladaptive. A major goal of the cognitive component is to in
terrupt self-defeating thought-behavior patterns. Pessimistic beliefs (e.g., “I'm stupid”) of
ten lead to maladaptive behaviors (e.g., not studying), which then increase the likelihood
of negative outcomes (e.g., poor grades). The negative outcomes then reinforce the
person's initial pessimistic belief, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy. These downward spi
rals are often visible in achievement contexts but play an important role in social interac
tions as well (see Figs 46.2 and 46.3). Once they are able to identify self-talk, students
learn to challenge negative or maladaptive interpretations by evaluating the accuracy of
their beliefs and by
(p. 619)
considering alternative interpretations. These twin skills, ac
curacy and flexibility, are at the heart of PRP.
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Our goal is not simply to swap a pessimistic thinking style with an optimistic one. Rather,
we want to help students detect patterns in their self-talk, feelings, and behaviors that
may be counterproductive. Often, the skills of flexibility and accuracy lead to greater opti
mism. But sometimes they can lead students to recognize that they are at least partly re
sponsible for a problem. By learning to interpret problems more accurately, students can
begin to solve them. The cognitive component can also promote social awareness as stu
dents apply their knowledge of emotions and self-talk to understand the perspectives of
others.
The second component of PRP teaches a variety of problem-solving skills. Students learn
to set realistic goals and subgoals and to develop plans for reaching them. Assertiveness
training helps students to express their needs respectfully without escalating conflicts.
The negotiation skill incorporates assertiveness as well as active listening and creative
brainstorming to find solutions that work for both parties. PRP teaches a five-step ap
proach to problem-solving that is based on Dodge's and Crick's (1990) social information
processing model and incorporates many of the other PRP skills. When problems arise,
students are encouraged to: (1) stop and think, especially about their goals, (2) evaluate
the situation (look for clues, consider others’ perspectives), (3) brainstorm about solu
tions creatively (generate a list of possible solutions), (4) decide what to do (consider the
pros and cons of different options and how they affect short- and long-term goals), and (5)
go for the goal (enact the solution and evaluate the outcome; if the solution didn't work
try the process again). The creative brainstorming and decision-making steps apply the
cognitive skills (e.g., flexibility, accuracy, and critical thinking) learned in previous lessons
to one's outward behavior.
Finally, PRP also teaches skills for managing difficult emotions and for coping with nega
tive events that are beyond one's control. Students share their personal methods of cop
ing
(p. 620)
with intense emotions and also learn new skills, like deep breathing and re
laxation techniques. PRP emphasizes the importance of seeking help and support from
friends and family. Although the second component focuses on behavioral skills (or what
students can do when problems happen), students continue to apply the cognitive skills
throughout the program. For example, they examine and challenge beliefs that can inter
fere with effective problem-solving, that fuel procrastination, or that lead to aggression or
passivity and interfere with assertiveness. The problem-solving and coping skills target
behaviors that often contribute to downward spirals (see Figs 46.2 and 46.3).
In addition to teaching specific cognitive, coping, problem solving, and social skills, PRP's
group format also provides opportunities for students to receive support from teachers
and for students to support and help each other. Thus, although PRP primarily develops
personal skills and strengths, it may also help to create a nurturing social environment.
Research findings
PRP has been evaluated extensively. Recent meta-analytic reviews identified 19 con
trolled studies of PRP, including 17 that evaluated PRP's effects on depression and 15 that
evaluated PRP's effects on hopelessness, pessimism, and other cognitive styles linked to
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depression (Brunwasser & Gillham, 2008; Brunwasser, Gillham, & Kim, 2009). Together,
these studies evaluated PRP with more than 2000 children from a wide variety of geo
graphic, cultural, and socioeconomic backgrounds. Findings from these reviews indicate
that PRP significantly improves thinking styles. Students who participated in PRP were
more optimistic than controls and these effects endured for at least 1 year (the last as
sessment examined in the meta-analysis). Similarly, PRP significantly reduced and pre
vented depressive symptoms and these effects also endured for at least 1 year. Although
fewer studies have examined PRP's long-term effects, findings from some of these studies
are promising. For example, the first study of PRP found that the benefits on depression
lasted for 2 years and the benefits on optimism lasted for at least 3 years (Gillham &
Reivich, 1999; Gillham, Reivich, Jaycox, & Seligman, 1995). A few recent studies have
found positive effects on anxiety symptoms and behavioral problems (for a review, see
Gillham, Brunwasser, & Freres, 2008). Research on PRP's effects on academic achieve
ment is underway. A similar resilience program developed by our team for older adoles
cents and young adults has also been found to improve optimism and reduce and prevent
symptoms of anxiety and depression (Seligman, Schulman, DeRubeis, & Hollon, 1999;
Seligman, Schulman, & Tryon, 2007).
The high school positive psychology program
Like many programs designed to promote resilience and positive youth development, PRP
focuses extensively on students’ responses to setbacks and challenges. Our team's high
school positive psychology curriculum (Reivich et al., 2007) is based on recent work in
positive psychology (Peterson & Seligman, 2004; Seligman, 2002) which offers an alterna
tive, complementary approach to resilience. Positive psychology highlights the impor
tance of enhancing well-being more broadly, and not simply in response to stressors.
Schools can also promote resilience by helping students to develop close relationships, to
identify and use their strengths, to experience positive emotions, and to engage in activi
ties that are meaningful to them. Interventions that target these outcomes improve life
satisfaction and
(p. 621)
reduce depression (Seligman, Rashid, & Parks, 2006; Seligman,
Steen, Park, & Peterson, 2005; Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). Ultimately, we believe that edu
cational initiatives that integrate both perspectives will be most helpful.
The high school positive psychology curriculum is based largely on Seligman's (2002)
three pathways to happiness. The program includes three units: The Pleasant Life, the
Engaged Life, and The Meaningful Life. Many of the program's skills and activities have
been used and tested in other positive psychology interventions (e.g., Seligman et al.,
2005, 2006). The Pleasant Life unit focuses on increasing positive emotion. Lessons focus
on savoring, gratitude, and optimism. For example, a gratitude lesson encourages stu
dents to think about people who have helped them but whom they have not yet thanked.
Students write a letter expressing gratitude and are encouraged to share it in person. A
lesson on “counting our blessings” encourages students to think about the good things
that happen each day and to log them in a journal each evening. These activities can
counter negative thinking styles that are targeted in PRP and so they are likely to reduce
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negative emotions. But they go far beyond this. They actively promote positive emotions
like contentment and joy, and may deepen interpersonal relationships.
The Engaged Life unit is the largest. It promotes strengths (e.g., kindness, creativity, per
severance, integrity) that are valued across time and throughout history (Dahlsgaard, Pe
terson, & Seligman, 2005; Peterson & Seligman, 2004). The program encourages stu
dents to identify their personal (or signature) strengths and to use them more in their
everyday lives. Students identify their strengths through several activities including com
pleting the Values in Action Inventory of Strengths for Youth (Park & Peterson, 2006), and
by reflecting on past experiences when they were “at their best.” They develop action
plans for using signature strengths and for developing other strengths that are important
to them. The family tree of strengths activity encourages students to interview family
members and find out about strengths that run through their family tree.
During the Meaningful Life unit, students reflect on life purpose and meaning. Rather
than focus on meaning in the abstract sense (i.e., What is the meaning of life?), teachers
encourage students to think about what makes life meaningful for them. Teachers engage
students in discussions about meaning, and students read relevant passages from litera
ture and from the personal reflections of others. We've used excerpts from The Meaning
of Life (Friend & the Editors of Life, 1991), which contains short essays by philosophers,
writers, artists, politicians, spiritual leaders, sports figures, comedians, and others. Stu
dents reflect on how these different perspectives fit with their own views on life meaning.
Students and their parents then complete a back-and-forth meaning journal in which they
dialogue about the meaning of life. In our experience, students’ discussions of meaning
typically center on the importance of connections to others, institutions, and values that
are larger than the self.
The positive psychology curriculum is designed to be delivered by teachers in a small- or
large-class format. The program uses a variety of teaching methods. Teachers introduce
concepts and skills through in-class activities and discussions. Most lessons end with as
signments that encourage students to apply the positive psychology concepts and strate
gies in their everyday lives. Students write reflections about their experiences when us
ing the positive psychology strategies. Lessons typically begin with a discussion of stu
dents’ experiences and reflections.
We developed our positive psychology program to target well-being broadly, rather than
resilience specifically. But we now believe that these concepts and skills are as essential
to
(p. 622)
resilience as the skills covered in PRP. By promoting students’ capacity for pos
itive emotions, to use strengths such as kindness, teamwork, humor, and creativity, and to
experience strong connections with other people and with purposes outside the self, posi
tive psychology provides a strong foundation that can help youth cope with adversity. Re
search indicates that positive emotions enhance problem-solving (Fredrickson, 2001). Al
so, many studies over many decades document the power of close relationships to protect
against depression and other psychological and physical health problems (Leavy, 1983;
Uchino, Cacioppo, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 1996). The positive psychology program aims to pro
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mote upward spirals; it promotes flourishing by helping students to build upon what they
do well.
Research
We have nearly completed our first scientific evaluation of the high school positive psy
chology program. In that study, 347 9th grade students were randomly assigned to regu
lar grade Language Arts classes or to Language Arts classes that included the positive
psychology curriculum. We followed students for 4 years, until graduation from high
school. Preliminary analyses examining effects through students’ 11th grade year suggest
two major areas of benefit (Gillham, Linkins, & Reivich, 2009; Seligman et al., 2009). The
positive psychology program improved students’ social skills (e.g., empathy, cooperation,
assertiveness, and self-control) according to both teachers’ and mothers’ reports. It also
improved students’ engagement in school, according to teacher reports. The findings on
teachers’ report measures are especially encouraging. Teachers who completed question
naires did not deliver the curriculum and were not informed about students’ condition as
signments. Thus, they are unlikely to be biased by an awareness of students’ participation
in the positive psychology program. There was no overall effect on students’ achieve
ment, but follow-up analyses indicated that the positive psychology program significantly
improved Language Arts achievement among students with average and low (but not
high) levels of achievement at baseline. Contrary to our expectations, we found no effects
on students’ symptoms of depression or anxiety although other positive psychology inter
ventions have been successful at reducing depressive symptoms (Seligman et al., 2006;
Sin & Lyobomirsky, 2009).
School community and culture
Curricula like PRP and our high school positive psychology program appear to promote
well-being in students. Such programs are likely to be most effective when delivered as
part of a school's comprehensive focus on social and emotional well-being and resilience.
Reviews of research on positive youth development, social and emotional learning, pre
vention, and character education converge on the conclusion that isolated curricula are
not as helpful as approaches that are embedded into school culture and delivered over
many years in a child's life (e.g., CASEL, 2003; Gottfredson, 2000). This finding is consis
tent with research documenting the importance of social contextual factors in promoting
resilience in youth (Luthar, 2006).
Recently, our team's work has increasingly focused on promoting resilience through the
classroom, school, and other contexts where children live. In our trainings for teachers
and counselors who deliver our programs, we first encourage teachers to apply the con
cepts and skills to their own lives so that they can experience first-hand the benefits of
the resilience
(p. 623)
and positive psychology skills. We hope that our approach to train
ing teachers leads to a strong personal connection with the concepts and skills, increas
ing the likelihood that they will be effective models for students both in and out of the
classroom. In some of our school collaborations, we are consulting with teachers, coun
selors, and other staff to develop curricula for all ages and to infuse resilience education
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into everyday interactions and instruction across disciplines. Integrating resilience and
positive psychology skills explicitly through formal instruction also helps to create com
mon language and practices among educators and students that contribute to a culture of
resilience education.
Given the daily stress and challenges they face, teachers who are resilient and use their
strengths are likely to be more effective (Stanford, 2001). Even in the absence of formal
resilience curricula for students, supportive work environments and professional develop
ment for teachers can go a long way in the promotion of resilience and learning in the
students that they teach. When schools support teachers in their own social and emotion
al development, for example, those teachers can more effectively model social and emo
tional skills for students (Elias et al., 1997). A teacher's optimism can motivate a child to
persist through a challenging assignment; a teacher's own flexible thinking about prob
lems can encourage students to think through conflicts from multiple perspectives. In ad
dition, teachers who can regulate their own impulses and emotions may be skilled in
classroom management and creating environments conducive to student learning and
well-being. Indeed, teachers who approach classroom management with respect for stu
dents’ perspectives and appreciate the importance of group cohesion ultimately have
more time for academic subjects throughout the school year (Elias et al., 1997).
Both life satisfaction and grit, or perseverance toward long-term goals, determine teacher
effectiveness as measured by student learning (Duckworth, Quinn, & Seligman, 2009).
The hard work of gritty teachers pays off in terms of student learning and achievement.
Duckworth and colleagues also suggest that “teachers higher in life satisfaction may be
more adept at engaging their pupils, and their zest and enthusiasm may spread to their
students” (p. 545). More broadly, a positive school culture that cultivates strengths en
ables teachers to bring the best of themselves to their professions. As a result, increased
teacher engagement can promote students’ learning in the classroom as well as foster the
meaningful teacher-student relationships that nurture positive development in students.
Recent reviews of social and emotional learning programs highlight the importance of
strengthening ties between home and school, as well as between school and the larger
community. We have developed a resilience program for parents that teaches them the
core PRP skills so they can apply them in their own lives and support their children's use
of these skills. Several activities in the positive psychology curriculum (e.g., family tree of
strengths, meaning journals) create opportunities for students and parents to work to
gether, and for parents to provide guidance as students identify their personal strengths
and what makes life most meaningful. Many parents appreciate the opportunity to share
their values so openly with their children. Students’ reflections suggest that they are
grateful for the deeper connection to parents and the life lessons learned.
Other activities help to strengthen connections to the larger community. For example, in
the paragons of strengths activity, students interview members of the larger community
who exemplify different strengths. Community service projects help youth put many of
their strengths to use. These projects can provide youth with meaningful opportunities to
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connect with others and make a positive difference in the world. Community service may
(p. 624)
also lead to long-term benefits in well-being (Bowman, Brandenberger, Hill, Laps
ley, & Quaranto, 2010).
Conclusions
Positive psychology and resilience research have identified many qualities of individuals
and social contexts that enable people to adapt and to thrive in their everyday lives and
when confronted with adversity. Given their central role in students’ lives, schools have
enormous potential (and, many argue, responsibility) to promote social and emotional
well-being and resilience in youth both within and outside of school settings.
Many educators are understandably skeptical of curricula that purportedly foster well-be
ing in students, as many isolated programs—even some that have been implemented
widely—either have not been evaluated rigorously or have not shown positive effects. Re
cent reviews, however, suggest that comprehensive and well-integrated programs do, in
fact, contribute to well-being in children and adolescents, and research has identified sev
eral programs that can significantly reduce emotional or behavioral problems and dra
matically cultivate social skills, strengths, positive relationships, and achievement.
As we have shown, integrating resilience into education through explicit instruction can
equip students with the skills needed to rise above and grow from major challenges and
daily struggles. Simultaneously, embedding principles of resilience and positive psycholo
gy into educational practices can help to create a school climate that contributes to stu
dent learning and positive development in non-academic domains. Perhaps now more
than ever before, resilience education has the power to help students successfully navi
gate the academic and non-academic demands they juggle, as well as grow and thrive in
the face of adversity and the challenges of childhood and adolescence.
Disclosures
The University of Pennsylvania has licensed the Penn Resiliency Program to Adaptiv
Learning Systems. Drs. Reivich and Seligman own Adaptiv stock and could profit from the
sale of this program. None of the other authors has a financial relationship with Adaptiv.
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Jane E. Gillham
Jane E. Gillham, Psychology Department, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, PA,
USA; and Psychology Department and Positive Psychology Center, University of Penn
sylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Rachel M. Abenavoli
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Rachel M. Abenavoli, Human Development & Family Studies, Pennsylvania State Uni
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Steven M. Brunwasser
Division of Allergy, Pulmonary, and Critical Care Medicine Department of Medicine
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Mark Linkins
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Karen J. Reivich
Karen J. Reivich, Psychology Department and Positive Psychology Center, University
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA USA
Martin E. P. Seligman
Martin E. P. Seligman, Psychology Department and Positive Psychology Center, Uni
versity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA, USA
