7
White Racial Identity Development
Chapter Learning Objectives
On completion of this chapter, the reader will be able to:
1. Recognize factors that are inuential in the development of a White racial
identity.
2. Examine the signicance of “the invisible Whiteness of being.”
3. Discuss White privilege, including the ways in which a White person bene-
ts from it and the ways in which a White person is disadvantaged by it.
4. Explain the developmental stages described in the various White racial
identity development models.
5. Describe how a social worker’s stage of White racial identity development
aects the social work helping relationship, and how it a ects assessment
and intervention with culturally diverse clients.
Content in this chapter supports the following Educational Policy and
Accreditation Standards (EPAS) Core Competencies (Council on Social Work
Education, 2015):
Competency 2. Engage Diversity and Dierence in Practice
Competency 6. Engage with Individuals, Families, Groups, Organizations, and
Communities
Competency 7. Assess Individuals, Families, Groups, Organizations, and
Communities
179
Copyright 2016. Wiley.
All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
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Social Justice
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180 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
OVERVIEW
is chapter focuses on White identity development, White privilege, and how
the Euro-American worldview aects their perceptions of race-related issues.
Understanding the White identity development model is an important com-
ponent of culturally competent care for White social workers. e thesis of
this chapter is that White social workers and other mental health professionals
(1) must realize that they are victims of their cultural conditioning; (2) have
inherited the racial biases, prejudices, and stereotypes of their forebears;
(3) must take responsibility for their role in the oppression of minority groups;
and (4) must move toward actively redening their Whiteness in a nondefen-
sive and nonracist manner. Discussion of the interplay between varying levels
of White awareness and working with culturally diverse clients is a major part
of this chapter.
“WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?”
Some readers may already feel uncomfortable with or baed by the title of this
chapter. “What does this have to do with social work? Is there really such a thing
as White racial identity development? Even if there is, why is it covered in a sepa-
rate chapter rather than integrated with the previous one? What do you mean by
‘White’?”
e truth is that, like ethnocentric monoculturalism, Whiteness also rep-
resents an entrenched determinant of worldview. Because it is an invisible veil that
is outside of conscious awareness, it can be detrimental to women, LGBTQ indi-
viduals, people of color, and other marginalized groups in our society (Sue & Sue,
2013). Whiteness denes a reality that advantages White Euro-American males
while disadvantaging others. Although most White Americans believe in equality
and justice, the inability to recognize or deconstruct Whiteness allows society to
continue with unjust actions toward and arrangements for minority groups. If
social justice is one of the values of social work, then social workers must make
the invisible visible. Let us look at the following dialogues taken from Sue and Sue
(2003, pp.235–238):
Forty-Two-Year-Old White Businessman
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: Frankly, I don’t know what you’re talking about!
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181 “WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?”
Q: Aren’t you White?
A: Yes, but I come from Italian heritage. I’m Italian, not White.
Q: Well then, what does it mean to be Italian?
A: Pasta, good food, love of wine [obviously agitated]. is is getting
ridiculous!
O
BSERVATIONS: Denial and/or conicted about being White. Claims Italian
heritage, but unable to indicate more than supercial understanding of ethnic
meaning. Expresses annoyance at the question.
Twenty-Six-Year-Old White Female College Student
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: Is this a trick question? [pause] I’ve never thought about it. Well, I know
that lots of Black people see us as being prejudiced and all that stu . I
wish people would just forget about race dierences and see one another
as human beings. People are people and we should all be proud to be
Americans.
O
BSERVATIONS: Seldom thinks about being White. Defensive about prejudicial
associations with Whiteness. Desires to eliminate or dilute race di erences.
Sixty-Five-Year-Old White Male Construction Worker (Retired)
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: at’s a stupid question [sounds irritated]!
Q: Why?
A: Look, what are you . . . Oriental? You people are always blaming us for ste-
reotyping, and here you are doing the same to us.
Q: When you say “us,” to whom are you referring?
A: I’m referring to Americans who aren’t colored. We are all dierent from one
another. I’m Irish but there are Germans, Italians, and those Jews. I get angry
at the colored people for always blaming us. When my grandparents came
over to this country, they worked 24 hours a day to provide a good living for
their kids. My wife and I raised ve kids, and I worked every day of my life
to provide for them. No one gave me nothing! I get angry at the Black people
for always whining. ey just have to get o their butts and work rather than
going on welfare. At least you people [reference to Asian Americans] work
hard. e Black ones could learn from your people.
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182 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
OBSERVATIONS: Believes question stereotypes Whites and expresses resentment
with being categorized. Views White people as ethnic group. Expresses belief that
anyone can be successful if they work hard. Believes African Americans are lazy
and that Asian Americans are successful. Strong anger directed toward minority
groups.
Thirty-Four-Year-Old White Female Stockbroker
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: I don’t know [laughing]. I’ve never thought about it.
Q: Are you White?
A: Yes, I suppose so [seems very amused].
Q: Why haven’t you thought about it?
A: Because it’s not important to me.
Q: Why not?
A: It doesn’t enter into my mind because it doesn’t aect my life. Besides, we are
all unique. Color isn’t important.
O
BSERVATIONS: Never thought about being White because it’s unimportant. People
are individuals, and color isn’t important.
ese are not atypical responses given by White Euro-Americans when pre-
sented with this question. When people of color are asked the same question, their
answers tend to be more speci c:
Twenty-Nine-Year-Old Latina Administrative Assistant
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: I’m not White; I’m Latina!
Q: Are you upset with me?
A: No. . . . It’s just that I’m light, so people always think I’m White. It’s only
when I speak that they realize I’m Hispanic.
Q: Well, what does it mean to be White?
A: Do you really want to know? . . . Okay, it means you’re always right. It
means you never have to explain yourself or apologize. . . . You know that
movie [Love Story, which features the line, “Love is never having to say you’re
sorry”]? Well, being White is never having to say you’re sorry. It means they
think they’re better than us.
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183 “WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO BE WHITE?”
OBSERVATIONS: Strong reaction to being mistaken for being White. Claims that
being White makes people feel superior and is reected in their disinclination to
admit being wrong.
Thirty-Nine-Year-Old Black Male Salesman
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: Is this a school exercise or something? Never expected someone to ask me
that question in the middle of the city. Do you want the politically correct
answer or what I really think?
Q: Can you tell me what you really think?
A: You won’t quit, will you [laughing]? If you’re White, you’re right. If you’re
Black, step back.
Q: What does that mean?
A: White folks are always thinking they know all the answers. A Black man’s
word is worth less than a White man’s. When White customers come into our
dealership and see me standing next to the cars, I become invisible to them.
Actually, they may see me as a well-dressed janitor [laughs], or actively avoid
me. ey will search out a White salesman. Or when I explain something to
a customer, they always check out the information with my White colleagues.
ey don’t trust me. When I mention this to our manager, who is White, he
tells me I’m oversensitive and being paranoid. at’s what being White means.
It means having the authority or power to tell me what’s really happening even
though I know it’s not. Being White means you can fool yourself into thinking
that you’re not prejudiced, when you are. at’s what it means to be White.
O
BSERVATIONS: Being White means you view minorities as less competent and
capable. You have the power to dene reality. You can deceive yourself into believ-
ing you’re not prejudiced.
Twenty-One-Year-Old Chinese American Male College Student
(Majoring in Ethnic Studies)
Q: What does it mean to be White?
A: My cultural heritage class was just discussing that question this week.
Q: What was your conclusion?
A: Well, it has to do with White privilege. I read an article by a professor
at Wellesley. It made a lot of sense to me. Being White in this society
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184 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
automatically guarantees you better treatment and unearned bene ts and
privileges than minorities. Having white skin means you have the freedom
to choose the neighborhood you live in. You won’t be discriminated against.
When you enter a store, security guards won’t assume you will steal some-
thing. You can ag down a cab without the thought they won’t pick you up
because you’re a minority. You can study in school and be assured your group
will be portrayed positively. You don’t have to deal with race or think about it.
Q: Are White folks aware of their White privilege?
A: Hell no! ey’re oblivious to it.
O
BSERVATIONS: Being White means having unearned privileges in our society. It
means you are oblivious to the advantages of being White.
THE INVISIBLE WHITENESS OF BEING
e responses given by White Euro-Americans and persons of color are radically
dierent from one another. Yet the answers given by both groups are quite com-
mon and representative of the range of responses given in diversity or multicul-
tural classes and workshops. White respondents would rather not think about
their Whiteness, are uncomfortable with or react negatively to being labeled
“White,” deny its importance in aecting their lives, and seem to believe that they
are unjustiably accused of being bigoted simply because they are White.
Strangely enough, Whiteness is most visible to people of color when it is
denied, when it evokes puzzlement or negative reactions, and/or is equated with
normalcy. Few people of color react negatively when asked what it means to be
Black, Asian American, Latino/Hispanic, or a member of their race. Most could
readily inform the questioner about what it means to be a person of color. ere
seldom is a day, for example, in which we are not reminded of being racially
and culturally dierent from those around us. Yet Whites often nd the question
about Whiteness quite disconcerting and perplexing.
It appears that the denial and mystication of Whiteness by White Euro-
Americans are related to two underlying factors. First, most of us seldom think
about the air that surrounds us and about how it provides an essential, life-giving
ingredient, oxygen. We take it for granted because it appears plentiful; only when
we are deprived of it does it suddenly become frighteningly apparent how import-
ant it is. Whiteness is transparent precisely because of its everyday occurrence—
its institutionalized, normative features in our culture—and because Whites are
taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, average, and ideal. To people of
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185 UNDERSTANDING THE DYNAMICS OF WHITENESS
color, however, Whiteness is not invisible because it may not t their normative
qualities (values, lifestyles, experiential reality, etc.). Persons of color nd White
culture quite visible because even though it is nurturing to White Euro- Americans,
it may invalidate the lifestyles of members of multicultural populations.
Second, Euro-Americans often deny that they are White, seem angered by
being labeled as such, and become very defensive. “I’m not White, I’m Irish.”
“You’re stereotyping, because we’re all di erent.” “ere isn’t anything like a White
race.” In many respects, these statements have validity. Nonetheless, many White
Americans would be hard pressed to describe their Irish, Italian, German, or Nor-
wegian heritage in any but the most supercial manner. One of the reasons is
related to the processes of assimilation and acculturation. ere are many ethnic
groups, but being White allows for assimilation.
Although persons of color are told to assimilate, this psychological process is
meant for Whites only. Assimilation and acculturation are processes that assume a
receptive society. Racial/ethnic minorities are told in no uncertain terms that they
are allowed only limited access to the fruits of our society. us, whether White-
ness de nes a race is largely irrelevant. What is more relevant is that Whiteness is
associated with unearned privilege—advantages conferred on White Americans
but not on persons of color. It is our contention that much of the denial associated
with being White is related to the denial of White privilege, an issue we explore in
a moment. e same can be said of male privilege. It is easy for men to acknowl-
edge that women are disadvantaged in this society, but they may deny that men
are advantaged by virtue of their gender (McIntosh, 1989).
UNDERSTANDING THE DYNAMICS OF WHITENESS
An analysis of the earlier responses captured in the beginning of this chapter from
both Whites and persons of color leads to the inevitable conclusion that part of
the problem of race relations (and by inference social work practice) lies in the
dierent worldviews of both groups—in the case of this example, Whites and
people of color. Which group, however, has the more accurate assessment related
to this topic? e answer seems to be contained in the following series of ques-
tions: If you want to understand oppression, should you ask the oppressor or
the oppressed? If you want to learn about sexism, do you ask men or women? If
you want to understand homophobia, do you ask straights or gays? If you want
to learn about racism, do you ask Whites or persons of color? It appears that the
most accurate assessment of bias comes not from those who enjoy the privilege of
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186 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
power, but from those who are most disempowered (D’Andrea & Daniels, 2001;
Dovidio, Gaertner, Kawakami, & Hodson, 2002; Hanna, Talley, & Guindon,
2000; Neville, Worthington, & Spanierman, 2001). Taking this position, we
make the following assumptions about the dynamics of Whiteness:
First, it is clear that most White people perceive themselves as unbiased indi-
viduals who do not harbor racist thoughts and feelings; they see themselves as
working toward social justice and possess a conscious desire to better the life cir-
cumstances of those less fortunate than they. Although these are admirable quali-
ties, this self-image serves as a major barrier to recognizing and taking responsibility
for admitting and dealing with one’s own prejudices and biases. To admit to being
racist, sexist, or homophobic requires people to recognize that the self-image they
hold so dear is based on false notions of the self.
Second, being a White person in this society means chronic exposure to eth-
nocentric monoculturalism as manifested in White supremacy (Sue et al., 1998).
It is dicult, if not impossible, for anyone to avoid inheriting the racial biases,
prejudices, misinformation, decit portrayals, and stereotypes of their forebears.
To believe that they somehow have not inherited such aspects of White supremacy
is to be naive or to engage in self-deception. is is hard for some to hear. Such
a statement is not intended to assail the integrity of White people but to suggest
that they also have been victimized. It is clear that no one was born wanting to be
racist, sexist, or homophobic.
Misinformation is not acquired by free choice, but is imposed on White peo-
ple through a painful process of cultural conditioning In general, lacking aware-
ness of their biases and preconceived notions, White social workers may function
in a therapeutically ine ective manner.
ird, if White social workers are ever to become culturally competent pro-
viders, they must free themselves from the cultural conditioning of their past and
move toward the development of a nonracist White identity. Unfortunately, many
White Euro-Americans rarely consider what it means to be White in our society.
Such a question is vexing to them because they seldom think of race as belonging
to them—nor do they think of the privileges that come their way by virtue of
their white skin. Katz (1985) pointed out a major barrier blocking the progress of
White Euro-Americans investigating their own cultural identity and worldview:
Because White culture is the dominant cultural norm in the United
States, it acts as an invisible veil that limits many people from seeing
it as a cultural system. . . . Often, it is easier for many Whites to
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187 MODELS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
identify and acknowledge the dierent cultures of minorities than
accept their own racial identity. . . . e diculty of accepting such
a view is that White culture is omnipresent. It is so interwoven in the
fabric of everyday living that Whites cannot step outside and see their
beliefs, values, and behaviors as creating a distinct cultural group.
(pp. 616–617)
Ridley (1995) asserted that this invisible veil can be unintentionally mani-
fested in clinical interactions, with harmful consequences for minority clients:
Unintentional behavior is perhaps the most insidious form of racism.
Unintentional racists are unaware of the harmful consequences of
their behavior. ey may be well-intentioned, and on the surface,
their behavior may appear to be responsible. Because individuals,
groups, or institutions that engage in unintentional racism do not
wish to do harm, it is dicult to get them to see themselves as racists.
ey are more likely to deny their racism. (p. 38)
e conclusion drawn from this understanding is that White social workers
and other helping professionals may be unintentional racists. First, they may be
unaware of their biases, prejudices, and discriminatory behaviors. Second, they
often perceive themselves as moral, good, and decent human beings and nd it
dicult to see themselves as racist. ird, they often do not have a sense of what
their Whiteness means to them. And nally, their therapeutic approaches to mul-
ticultural populations are likely to be more (unintentionally) harmful than help-
ful. ese conclusions are often dicult for White helping professionals to accept
because of the defensiveness and feelings of blame they are likely to engender.
Nonetheless, it is important for White clinicians and students not to be turned
o by the message and lessons of this chapter. White Americans must continue a
multicultural journey to explore the question, “What does it mean to be White?”
MODELS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
Models of White racial identity development came primarily through the work of
counseling psychologists, which is nevertheless highly relevant to social workers
(Carter, 1995; Corvin & Wiggins, 1989; Helms, 1984, 1990; Ponterotto, 1988;
Sue et al., 1998). ese specialists pointed out that although learning about racial/
cultural identity development for minority groups proves benecial in our work
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188 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
as service providers, more attention should be devoted to the White helping pro-
fessional’s racial identity. Because the majority of social workers and trainees are
White, middle-class individuals, it would appear that White identity development
and its implications for multicultural social work practice are important aspects to
consider, both in the actual practice of clinical work and in professional training
(Welkley, 2005). For example, a NASW study of licensed social workers (Assuring
the Suciency of a Front Line Work Force, 2006) indicated that people of color
are only 13 percent of all licensed social workers. In other words, 87-plus percent
of licensed social workers are White).
Researchers have found that one’s level of White racial identity awareness is
predictive of one’s level of racism (Carter, 1990; Pope-Davis & Ottavi, 1994). In
these studies, the less aware subjects were of their White identity, the more likely
they were to exhibit increased levels of racism. Further, women were less likely to
be racist. It was suggested that the nding was correlated with women’s greater
experiences with discrimination and prejudice. Evidence also exists that cultural
competence is correlated with White racial identity attitudes (Neville etal., 2001;
Ottavi, Pope-Davis, & Dings, 1994). Other research has suggested thata rela-
tionship exists between a White helper’s racial identity and his or her readiness for
training in multicultural awareness, knowledge, and skills (Carney & Kahn, 1984;
Helms, 1990; Ponterotto, 1988; Sabnani, Ponterotto, & Borodovsky, 1991; Sue
& Sue, 1990). Because developing cultural sensitivity is a long-term developmen-
tal task, the work of many researchers has gradually converged on a conceptualiza-
tion of the stages (or phases or statuses) of racial/ethnic identity development for
White Euro-Americans (Bennett, 1986; Smith, 1991). A number of the proposed
models describe the salience of identity for the establishment of a relationship
between the White clinician and the culturally dierent client, and some have
now linked stages of identity with stages for appropriate clinical training (Bennett,
1986; Carney & Kahn, 1984; Sabnani et al., 1991).
The Hardiman White Racial Identity Development Model
One of the earliest integrative attempts at formulating a White racial identity
development model was that of Rita Hardiman (1982). Intrigued by the real-
ity that certain White individuals exhibit a much more nonracist identity than
do other White Americans, Hardiman studied the autobiographies of individuals
who had attained a high level of racial consciousness. is led her to identify ve
White developmental stages: (1) naïveté, (2) acceptance, (3) resistance, (4) rede -
nition, and (5) internalization.
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189 MODELS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
1. e naïveté stage (lack of social consciousness) is characteristic of early child-
hood, when a person is born into this world innocent, open, and unaware
of racism and the importance of race. Curiosity and spontaneity in relating
to race and racial dierences tend to be the norm. A young White child who
has almost no personal contact with African Americans, for example, may
see an African American man in a supermarket and loudly comment on the
darkness of his skin. Other than the embarrassment and apprehension of
adults around the child, there is little discomfort associated with this behav-
ior for the youngster. In general, awareness and understanding of race, racial
dierences, bias, and prejudice are either absent or minimal. Such an ori-
entation becomes less characteristic of the child as the socialization process
progresses, however. e negative reactions of parents, relatives, friends, and
peers toward issues of race begin to convey mixed signals to the child. is
orientation is reinforced by the educational system and mass media, which
instill racial biases in the child and propel him or her into the acceptance
stage.
2. e acceptance stage is marked by a conscious belief in the democratic ideal: that
everyone has an equal opportunity to succeed in a free society and that those
who fail must bear the responsibility for their failure. White Euro-Americans
become the social reference group, and the socialization process consistently
instills in the child messages of White superiority and minority inferiority.
e underemployment, unemployment, and undereducation of marginalized
groups in our society are seen as evidence that members of non-White groups
are lesser than Whites. Because everyone has an equal opportunity to succeed,
the lack of success of minority groups is seen as evidence of some negative
personal or group characteristic (low intelligence, inadequate motivation, or
biological or cultural decits). Victim blaming is strong as the existence of
oppression, discrimination, and racism is denied. According to Hardiman,
(1982) although the naïveté stage is brief in duration, the acceptance stage
can last a lifetime.
3. Over time, the individual begins to challenge assumptions of White superior-
ity and the denial of racism and discrimination. Moving from the acceptance
stage to the resistance stage can prove to be a painful, conicting, and uncom-
fortable transition. e White person’s denial system begins to crumble
because of a monumental event or a series of events that didn’t just challenge
but actually shattered the individual’s denial system. e White person may,
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190 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
for example, make friends with a minority coworker and discover that the
images he or she has of “these people” are false. Or the White individual may
have witnessed clear incidences of discrimination toward persons of color and
may now begin to question assumptions in regard to racial inferiority. In any
case, the racial realities of life in the United States can no longer be denied.
e change from one stage to another may take considerable time, but once it
is complete, the person becomes conscious of being White, is aware that he or
she harbors racist attitudes, and begins to see the pervasiveness of oppression
in our society. Feelings of anger, pain, hurt, rage, and frustration are present.
In many cases, the White person may develop a negative reaction toward his
or her own group or culture. At the same time, although the White person
may romanticize people of color, he or she cannot interact con dently with
them for fear of making racist mistakes. According to Hardiman (1982), the
discomfort in realizing that one is White and that one’s group has engaged
in oppression of racial/ethnic minorities may propel the person into the next
stage.
4. Asking the painful question of who one is in relation to one’s racial heritage,
honestly confronting one’s biases and prejudices, and accepting responsibil-
ity for one’s Whiteness are the culminating marks of the rede nition stage.
New ways of dening one’s social group and one’s membership in that group
become important. Such intense soul searching is most evident in Winter’s
(1977) personal journey:
In this sense we Whites are the victims of racism. Our victimization is
dierent from that of Blacks, but it is real. We have been programmed into
the oppressor roles we play, without our informed consent in the process.
Our unawareness is part of the programming: None of us could tolerate the
oppressor position, if we lived with a day-to-day emotional awareness of the
pain inicted on other humans through the instrument of our behavior. . . .
We Whites benet in concrete ways, year in and year out, from the present
racial arrangements. All my life in White neighborhoods, White schools,
White jobs and dealing with White police (to name only a few), I have
experienced advantages that are systematically not available to Black
people. It does not make sense for me to blame myself for the advantages that
have come my way by virtue of my Whiteness. But absolving myself from
guilt does not imply forgetting about racial injustice or taking it lightly (as
my guilt pushes me to do). (p. 24)
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191 MODELS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
ere is a realization that Whiteness has been dened in opposition to the
experiences of people of color people of color—namely, by standards of White
supremacy. Winter (1977), by being able to step out of this racist paradigm
and redening what her Whiteness meant to her, was able to add meaning
to developing a nonracist identity. At the redenition stage, the extremes of
good versus bad and positive versus negative attached to “Whites” and “peo-
ple of color” begin to give way to more realistic assessments. e person no
longer denies being White, honestly confronts his or her racism, understands
the concept of White privilege, and feels increased comfort in relating to per-
sons of color.
5. e internalization stage is the result of forming a new social and personal
identity. With the greater comfort in understanding oneself and the devel-
opment of a nonracist White identity comes a commitment to social action
as well. e individual accepts responsibility for eecting personal and social
change without always relying on persons of color to lead the way. e
racism-free identity, however, must be nurtured, validated, and supported to
be sustained in a hostile environment. Such an individual is constantly bom-
barded with attempts to be resocialized into the oppressive society.
The Helms White Racial Identity Model
Working independently of Hardiman, Janet Helms (1984, 1990, 1994, 1995) cre-
ated perhaps the most elaborate and sophisticated White racial identity model yet
proposed. Helms is arguably the most inuential White identity development the-
orist. Not only has her model led to the development of an assessment instrument
to measure White racial identity, but also it has been scrutinized empirically (Carter,
1990; Helms & Carter, 1990), and has generated much research and debate in
the psychological literature. Like Hardiman (1982), Helms assumes that racism
is an intimate and central part of being a White American. To her, developing a
healthy White identity requires movement through two phases: (1) abandonment
of racism and (2) de ning a nonracist White identity. Six speci c ego statuses are
distributed equally between the two: contact, disintegration, reintegration, pseu-
doindependence, immersion/emersion, and autonomy. Originally, Helms (1990)
used the term stages to refer to the six statuses, but because of certain conceptual
ambiguities and thecontroversy that ensued, she has abandoned its usage.
1. Contact status. People in this status are oblivious to and unaware of racism,
believe that everyone has an equal chance of success, lack an understanding
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192 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
of prejudice and discrimination, have minimal experiences with persons of
color, and may profess to be color-blind. Such statements as “People are peo-
ple,” “I don’t notice a person’s race at all,” and “You don’t act Black” are exam-
ples of what a person in this status might say. Although there is an attempt to
minimize the importance or inuence of race, there is a de nite dichotomy
between people of color and Whites on both a conscious and an unconscious
level in regard to stereotypes and the superior-inferior dimensions of the
races. Because of obliviousness and compartmentalization, it is possible for
two diametrically opposed belief systems to coexist: First, uncritical accep-
tance of White supremacist notions relegates minorities to the inferior cat-
egory with all the racial stereotypes. Second, there is a belief that racial and
cultural dierences are unimportant, which allows Whites to avoid perceiving
themselves as dominant group members or as having biases and prejudices.
2. Disintegration status. Although in the previous status the individual does not
recognize the polarities between democratic principles of equality, on the
one hand, and the unequal treatment of minority groups, on the other, such
obliviousness may eventually break down. e White person becomes con-
icted over irresolvable racial moral dilemmas that are frequently perceived
as involving polar opposites: for example, believing one is nonracist, yet not
wanting one’s son or daughter to marry a minority group member; believing
that “all men are created equal,” even though society treats many people of
color as second-class citizens; and not acknowledging that oppression exists,
and then witnessing it in the media (e.g., the 2014 deaths of Michael Brown
of Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner of Staten Island, both unarmed Black
men who were killed by the police). Conicts between loyalty to one’s group
and “humanistic ideals” may manifest themselves in various ways. e person
becomes increasingly conscious of his or her Whiteness and may experience
dissonance and conict, resulting in feelings of guilt, depression, helplessness,
or anxiety. Such statements as “My grandfather is really prejudiced, but I try
not to be” and “I’m personally not against interracial marriages, but I worry
about the children” are representative of personal struggles occurring in the
White person. Although a healthy resolution might be to confront the myth
of meritocracy realistically, the breakdown of the denial system is painful and
anxiety provoking. Attempts at resolution, according to Helms (1994), may
involve (1) avoiding contact with persons of color, (2) not thinking about race,
and (3) seeking reassurance from others that racism is not the fault of Whites.
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193 MODELS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
3. Reintegration status. is status can best be characterized as a regression in
which the pendulum swings back to the most basic beliefs of White supe-
riority and minority inferiority. In an attempt to resolve the dissonance cre-
ated from the previous process, the person retreats to the dominant ideology
associated with race and his or her own socioracial group identity. is ego
status results in idealizing the White Euro-American group and the positives
of White culture and society; there is a consequent invalidation and intoler-
ance of other minority groups. In general, a rmer and more conscious belief
in White racial superiority is present. Racial/ethnic minorities are blamed for
their own problems.
4. Pseudoindependence status. is status represents the start of the second phase
of Helms’s model, which involves dening a nonracist White identity. As
in the Hardiman model, a person is likely to be propelled into this phase
because of a painful or insightful encounter or event that jars the person from
the reintegration status. e awareness of visible racial/ethnic minorities, the
unfairness of their treatment, and discomfort with the racist White identity
may lead a person to identify with the plight of persons of color. ere is an
attempt to understand racial, cultural, and sexual orientation di erences and
a purposeful and conscious decision to interact with minority group mem-
bers. e well-intentioned White person in this status may suer from several
problematic dynamics, however. First, although intending to be socially con-
scious and helpful to minority groups, the White individual may unknow-
ingly perpetuate racism by helping minorities adjust to the prevailing White
standards. Second, his or her choice of minority individuals as associates is
based on how similar they are to him or her, and the primary mechanism used
to understand racial issues is intellectual and conceptual. As a result, the per-
son’s understanding has not reached the experiential and a ective domains.
Inother words, understanding Euro-American White privilege; sociopolitical
aspects of race; and issues of bias, prejudice, and discrimination tends to be
more of an intellectual exercise.
5. Immersion/emersion status. If the person is reinforced to continue a personal
exploration of himself or herself as a racial being, questions become focused
on what it means to be White. According to Helms (1994), the White indi-
vidual searches for an understanding of the personal meaning of racism and
the ways in which he or she benets from White privilege. e person is
increasingly willing to confront his or her own biases, to rede ne Whiteness,
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194 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
and to become more activistic in directly combating racism and oppression.
is status is dierent from the previous one in two major ways. First, it is
marked by a shift in focus from trying to change people of color to changing
the self and other Whites. Second, there is increasing experiential and a ec-
tive understanding that was lacking in the previous status. is latter process
is extremely important. Indeed, Helms believes that a successful resolution
of this stage requires an emotional catharsis or release that forces the person
to relive or reexperience previous emotions that were denied or distorted.
Achieving this aective and experiential upheaval leads to euphoria or even a
feeling of rebirth and is a necessary condition for developing a new nonracist
White identity.
6. Autonomy status. Increasing awareness of one’s own Whiteness, reduced feel-
ings of guilt, acceptance of one’s role in perpetuating racism, and renewed
determination to abandon White entitlement lead to the autonomy status.
e person is knowledgeable about racial, ethnic, and cultural di erences;
values the diversity; and is no longer fearful of, intimated by, or uncomfort-
able with the experiential reality of race. Development of a nonracist White
identity becomes increasingly strong. Indeed, the person feels comfortable
with his or her nonracist White identity, does not personalize attacks on
White supremacy, and can explore the issues of racism and personal respon-
sibility without defensiveness. A person in this status “walks the talk” and
actively values and seeks out interracial experiences.
Helms’s model is by far the most widely cited, researched, and applied of all
the White racial identity formulations. Part of its attractiveness and value is the
derivation of “defenses,” “protective strategies,” or what Helms (1995) formally
labeled information-processing strategies (IPSs), which White people use to avoid or
assuage anxiety and discomfort around the issue of race. Each status has a dom-
inant IPS associated with it: contact = obliviousness or denial, disintegration =
suppression and ambivalence, reintegration = selective perception and negative
out-group distortion, pseudoindependence = reshaping reality and selective per-
ception, immersion/emersion = hypervigilance and reshaping, and autonomy =
exibility and complexity. Table 7.1 lists examples of IPS statements likely to be
made by White people in each of the six ego statuses. Understanding these strate-
gic reactions is important for White social workers in their eorts to understand,
the barriers that must be overcome to move to another status, and for potentially
developing eective training or clinical strategies.
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195 MODELS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
TABLE 7.1 White Racial Identity Ego Statuses and Information-Processing Strategies
1. Contact status: satisfaction with racial status quo, obliviousness to racism and one’s participation in it. If racial
factors inuence life decisions, they do so in a simplistic fashion. Information-processing strategy (IPS): Obliviousness.
Example: “I’m a White woman. When my grandfather came to this country, he was discriminated against, too. But he didn’t
blame Black people for his misfortunes. He educated himself and got a job: That’s what Blacks ought to do. If White callers
[to a radio station] spent as much time complaining about racial discrimination as your Black callers do, we’d never have
accomplished what we have. You all should just ignore it” (quoted from a workshop participant).
2. Disintegration status: disorientation and anxiety provoked by irresolvable racial moral dilemmas that force one
to choose between own-group loyalty and humanism. May be stymied by life situations that arouse racial dilemmas. IPS:
Suppression and ambivalence.
Example: “I myself tried to set a nonracist example [for other Whites] by speaking up when someone said something blatantly
prejudiced—how to do this without alienating people so that they would no longer take me seriously was always tricky—
and by my friendships with Mexicans and Blacks who were actually the people with whom I felt most comfortable” (Blauner,
1993, p. 8).
3. Reintegration status: idealization of one’s socioracial group, denigration and intolerance for other groups. Racial
factors may strongly inuence life decisions. IPS: Selective perception and negative out-group distortion.
Example: “So what if my great-grandfather owned slaves. He didn’t mistreat them and besides, I wasn’t even here then. I
never owned slaves. So, I don’t know why Blacks expect me to feel guilty for something that happened before I was born.
Nowadays, reverse racism hurts Whites more than slavery hurts Blacks. At least they got three square [meals] a day. But
my brother can’t even get a job with the police department because they have to hire less-qualied Blacks. That [expletive]
happens to Whites all the time” (quoted from a workshop participant).
4. Pseudoindependence status: intellectualized commitment to one’s own socioracial group and deceptive tolerance
of other groups. May make life decisions to “help other racial groups.” IPS: Reshaping reality and selective perception.
Example: “Was I the only person left in American who believed that the sexual mingling of the races was a good thing, that it
would erase cultural barriers and leave us all a lovely shade of tan? . . . Racial blending is inevitable. At the very least, it may
be the only solution to our dilemmas of race” (Allen, 1994, p. C4).
5. Immersion/emersion status: search for an understanding of the personal meaning of racism and the ways by
which one benets and a redenition of Whiteness. Life choices may incorporate racial activism. IPS: Hypervigilance and
reshaping.
Example: “It’s true that I personally did not participate in the horror of slavery, and I don’t even know whether my ancestors
owned slaves. But I know that because I am White, I continue to benet from a racist system that stems from the slavery
era. I believe that if White people are ever going to understand our role in perpetuating racism, then we must begin to ask
ourselves some hard questions and be willing to consider our role in maintaining a hurtful system. Then, we must try to do
something to change it” (quoted from a workshop participant).
6. Autonomy status: informed positive socioracial group commitment, use of internal standards for self-denition,
capacity to relinquish the privileges of racism. May avoid life options that require participation in racial oppression. IPS:
Flexibility and complexity.
Example: “I live in an integrated [Black-White] neighborhood and I read Black literature and popular magazines. So I
understand that the media presents a very stereotypic view of Black culture. I believe that if more of us White people made
more than a supercial eort to obtain accurate information about racial groups other than our own, then we could help
make this country a better place for all peoples” (quoted from a workshop participant).
Source: Helms, 1995, p. 185.
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196 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
THE PROCESS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT:
A DESCRIPTIVE MODEL
Sue and Sue (1990) and Sue et al. (1998) have proposed a ve-stage process that
integrates the Hardiman and Helms models. e model makes several assump-
tions: First, racism is an integral part of U.S. life, and it permeates all aspects of
our culture and institutions (ethnocentric monoculturalism). Second, Whites are
socialized into the society and therefore inherit all the biases; stereotypes; and
racist attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of the larger society. ird, how Whites per-
ceive themselves as racial beings follows an identiable sequence that can occur in
a linear or nonlinear fashion. Fourth, the status of White racial identity develop-
ment in any multicultural encounter aects the process and outcome of interracial
relationships. And nally, the most desirable outcome is one in which the White
person not only accepts his or her Whiteness but also denes it in a nondefensive
and nonracist manner.
Conformity Stage
e White person’s attitudes and beliefs in this stage are very ethnocentric. ere
is minimal awareness of the self as a racial being and a strong belief in the uni-
versality of values and norms governing behavior. e White person possesses
limited accurate knowledge of other ethnic groups, and he or she is likely to rely
on social stereotypes as the main source of information. As seen earlier, Hardiman
(1982) described this stage as an acceptance of White superiority and minority
inferiority. Consciously or unconsciously, the White person believes that White
culture is the most highly developed and that all others are primitive or inferior.
e conformity stage is marked by contradictory and often compartmentalized
attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors. A person may believe simultaneously that he or
she is not racist, but that minority inferiority justies discriminatory and inferior
treatment; he or she may believe that minority persons are dierent and deviant,
but that “people are people” and di erences are unimportant (Helms, 1984). As
with their minority counterparts in the Conformity stage in the R/CID model
(Chapter 6), the primary mechanism operating here is one of denial and compart-
mentalization. For example, many Whites deny that they belong to a race that
allows them to avoid personal responsibility for perpetuating a racist system. Like
sh that do not recognize the water surrounding them, Whites either have di-
culty seeing or are unable to see the invisible veil of cultural assumptions, biases,
and prejudices that guide their perceptions and actions. ey tend to believe that
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197 THE PROCESS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT: A DESCRIPTIVE MODEL
White Euro-American culture is superior and that other cultures are primitive,
inferior, less developed, or lower on the scale of evolution. It is important to note
that many Whites in this stage of development are unaware of these beliefs and
operate as if they are universally shared by others. ey also believe that di er-
ences are unimportant and that “people are people,” “we are all the same under the
skin,” “we should treat everyone the same,” “problems wouldn’t exist if minorities
would only assimilate,” and “discrimination and prejudice are something that
others do.” e helping professional with this perspective professes color blind-
ness and views theories of counseling and therapy as universally applicable, not
questioning their relevance to other culturally di erent groups. Such an orienta-
tion was aptly captured by McIntosh (1989) in describing her own White racial
awakening:
My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor,
as an unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged
culture. I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state
depended on her individual moral will. . . . Whites are taught to
think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and average, and
also ideal, so that when we work to benet others, this is seen as work
which will allow “them” to be more like “us.” (p. 8)
Wrenn’s (1985) notion of the “culturally encapsulated counselor” ful lls char-
acteristics of the conformity stage . e primary mechanism used in encapsulation
is denial—denial that people are dierent, denial that discrimination exists, and
denial of one’s own prejudices. Instead, the locus of the problem is seen as residing
in the minority individual or group: minorities would not encounter problems if
they would only assimilate and acculturate (enter the melting pot), value educa-
tion, or work harder.
Dissonance Stage
Movement into the dissonance stage occurs when the White person is forced to
deal with the inconsistencies that have been compartmentalized or encounters
information or experiences at odds with denial. In most cases, the person is forced
to acknowledge Whiteness at some level; to examine his or her own cultural val-
ues; and to see the conict between upholding humanistic, nonracist values and
his or her contradictory behavior. For example, a person who consciously believes
that “all men are created equal” and that he or she treats everyone the same may
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198 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
suddenly experience reservations about having African Americans move next door
or having his or her son or daughter involved in an interracial relationship. ese
more personal experiences bring the individual face-to-face with his or her own
prejudices and biases. In this situation, thoughts that “I am not prejudiced”; “I
treat everyone the same regardless of race, creed, or color”; and “I do not discrim-
inate” collide with the truth. Further, some major event (the death of Michael
Brown and Eric Garner etc., events that spawned the nationwide Black Lives
Matter movement) may force the person to realize that racism is alive and well in
the United States.
e increasing realization that one is biased and that Euro-American society
does play a part in oppressing minority groups is an unpleasant one. Dissonance
may result in feelings of guilt, shame, anger, and depression. A person may use
rationalizations to exonerate himself or herself for his or her own inactivity in
combating perceived injustice or personal feelings of prejudice: for example, “I’m
only one person—what can I do?” or “Everyone is prejudiced, even minorities.”
is type of conict is best exemplied in the following passage from Winter
(1977):
When someone pushes racism into my awareness, I feel guilty (that
I could be doing so much more); angry (I don’t like to feel like I’m
wrong); defensive (I already have two Black friends. . . . I worry
more about racism than most whites do—isn’t that enough?); turned
o (I have other priorities in my life with guilt about that thought);
helpless (the problem is so big—what can I do?). I hate to feel this
way. at is why I minimize race issues and let them fade from my
awareness whenever possible. (p. 24)
As such conicts ensue, the White person may retreat into the protective con-
nes of White culture (encapsulation of the previous stage) or move progressively
toward insight and revelation (resistance and immersion stage).
Whether a person regresses is related to the strength of positive forces
pushing the individual forward (e.g., support for challenging racism) and neg-
ative forces pushing the person backward (e.g., fear of some loss). For example,
challenging the prevailing beliefs of the times may mean risking ostracism
from White relatives, friends, neighbors, and colleagues. Regardless of the per-
son’s choice (to regress or not), there are many uncomfortable feelings of guilt,
shame, anger, and depression related to the recognition of inconsistencies in
his or her belief system. Guilt and shame are probably related to the White
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199 THE PROCESS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT: A DESCRIPTIVE MODEL
person’s recognition of his or her own role in perpetuating racism in the past.
Guilt may also result from the person’s being afraid to speak out on the issues
or take responsibility for his or her part in a current situation. For example,
the person may witness an act of racism, hear a racist comment, or be given
preferential treatment over a minority person but decide not to say anything
for fear of violating racist White norms. Many White people rationalize their
behaviors by believing that they are powerless to make changes. In addition,
there is a tendency to retreat into White culture. If, however, others (which
may include some family and friends) are more accepting, forward movement
is more likely.
Resistance and Immersion Stage
e White person who progresses to this stage begins to question and challenge
his or her own racism. For the rst time, the person begins to realize what
racism is all about, and his or her eyes are suddenly open. He or she now sees
racism everywhere (advertising, television, educational materials, interpersonal
interactions, etc.). is stage of development is marked by a major questioning
of one’s own racism and that of others in society. In addition, increasing aware-
ness of how racism operates and its pervasiveness in U.S. culture and institu-
tions is the major hallmark of this stage. It is as if the person has awakened to
the realities of oppression; sees how educational materials, the mass media,
advertising, and other elements portray and perpetuate stereotypes; and rec-
ognizes how being White grants certain advantages denied to various minority
groups.
ere is likely to be considerable anger at family and friends, institutions,
and society at large, which are seen as having sold the White individual a false
bill of goods (democratic ideals) that were never practiced. Guilt is also felt
for having been a part of the oppressive system. Strangely enough, the person
is likely to undergo a form of racial self-hatred at this stage. Negative feel-
ings about being White are present, and the accompanying feelings of guilt,
shame, and anger toward himself or herself and other Whites may develop. e
“White liberal syndrome” may develop and be manifested in two complemen-
tary styles: assuming the paternalistic protector role or overidentifying with
another minority group (Helms, 1984; Ponterotto, 1988). With the former, the
White person may devote his or her energies to an almost paternalistic attempt
to protect minorities from abuse. With the latter, the person may actually want
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200 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
to identify with a particular minority group (Asian American, African
American, etc.) to escape his or her own Whiteness. e White person will
soon discover, however, that these styles are not appreciated by minority groups
and will experience rejection. Again, the person may resolve this dilemma by
moving back into the protective connes of White culture (conformity stage),
again experiencing conict (dissonance stage), or moving directly to the intro-
spection stage.
Introspection Stage
is stage is most likely to be a compromise after the White person has swung from
an extreme of unconditional acceptance of his or her White identity to a rejection
of Whiteness. It is a state of relative quiescence, introspection, and reformulation
of what it means to be White. e person realizes and no longer denies that he or
she has participated in oppression and beneted from White privilege, and/or that
racism is an integral part of U.S. society. At the same time, he or she has become
less motivated by guilt and defensiveness, accepts his or her own Whiteness, and
seeks to dene his or her own identity and that of his or her social group. is
acceptance, however, does not mean a less active role in combating oppression.
e introspective process may involve addressing the questions, “What does it
mean to be White?” “Who am I in relation to my Whiteness?” and “Who am I as
a racial/cultural being?”
e feelings or aective elements may be existential in nature and involve
a sense of disconnectedness, isolation, confusion, and loss. In other words, the
person knows that he or she will never fully understand the minority experience
but feels disconnected from the Euro-American group as well. In some ways,
the introspection stage is similar to the dissonance stage in terms of dynamics,
in that both represent a transition from one perspective to another. e process
used to answer the preceding questions and to deal with the ensuing feelings may
involve a searching, observing, and questioning attitude. Answering these ques-
tions involves dialoguing with and observing members of one’s own social group
as well as actively creating and experiencing interactions with various minority
group members. Characteristics of this stage can be found in Kiselica’s (1998)
personal journey:
I was deeply troubled as I witnessed on a daily basis the detrimen-
tal eects of institutional racism and oppression on ethnic- minority
groups in this country. e latter encounters forced me to recognize
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201 THE PROCESS OF WHITE RACIAL IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT: A DESCRIPTIVE MODEL
my privileged position in our society because of my status as a
so-called Anglo. It was upsetting to know that I, a member of White
society, beneted from the hardships of others that were caused by a
racist system. I was also disturbed by the painful realization that I
was, in some ways, a racist. I had to come to grips with the fact that
I had told and laughed at racist jokes and, through such behavior,
had supported White racist attitudes. If I really wanted to become
an eective, multicultural psychologist, extended and profound
self-reckoning was in order. At times, I wanted to ee from this
unpleasant process by merely participating supercially with the
remaining tasks . . . while avoiding any substantive self- examination.
(pp. 10–11)
Integrative Awareness Stage
Reaching this level of development is most characterized by the White per-
son’s (1) understanding himself or herself as a racial/cultural being, (2) being
aware of sociopolitical inuences in regard to racism, (3) appreciating racial/
cultural diversity, and (4) becoming more committed to eradicating oppression.
A nonracist White Euro-American identity emerges and becomes internalized.
e person values multiculturalism, is comfortable around members of cultur-
ally dierent groups, and feels a strong sense of connectedness with members
of many groups. Most important, perhaps, is the inner sense of security and
strength that develops, allowing the individual to function in a society that
is only marginally accepting of integratively aware White persons. As Winter
(1977) explained,
To end racism, Whites have to pay attention to it and continue to
pay attention. Since avoidance is such a basic dynamic of racism,
paying attention will not happen naturally. We Whites must learn
how to hold racism realities in our attention. We must learn to take
responsibility for this process ourselves, without waiting for Blacks’
actions to remind us that the problem exists, and without depend-
ing on Black people to reassure us and forgive us for our racist sins.
In my experience, the process is painful but it is a relief to shed
the fears, stereotypes, immobilizing guilt we didn’t want in the rst
place. (p. 25)
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202 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
IMPLICATIONS FOR MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
Ultimately, the eectiveness of White social workers is related to their overcom-
ing sociocultural conditioning and making their Whiteness visible. We o er the
following guidelines and suggestions for White social workers undertaking this
challenging process:
1. Work on accepting your own Whiteness, but de ne it in a nondefensive and
nonracist manner. How you perceive yourself as a racial being seems to be
correlated strongly with how you perceive and respond to racial stimuli.
2. Spend time with healthy and strong people from another culture or racial
group. As social workers, we work with only the narrow segment of society
receiving our services. us, the knowledge we have about minority groups is
usually developed from working with troubled individuals.
3. Know that becoming culturally aware and competent comes through lived
experiences and reality. Identify a cultural guide, someone from a culture
dierent from your own who is willing to help you understand his or her
group.
4. Attend cultural events, meetings, and activities led by minority communities.
is allows you to hear from church leaders, attend community celebrations,
and participate in open forums so that you may sense the strengths of a com-
munity, observe leadership in action, personalize your understanding, and
develop new social relationships.
5. When around persons of color, pay attention to feelings, thoughts, and
assumptions that you have when race-related situations present them-
selves. Where are your feelings of uneasiness, dierentness, or outright
fear coming from? Do not make excuses for these thoughts or feelings,
dismiss them, or avoid attaching meaning to them. Only if you are willing
to confront them directly can you unlearn the misinformation and nested
emotional fears.
6. Dealing with racism means a personal commitment to action. It means inter-
rupting other White Americans when they make racist remarks and jokes or
engage in racist actions, even if it is embarrassing or frightening. It means
noticing the possible opportunities for direct action against bias and discrim-
ination in your everyday life.
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203 SUMMARY
SUMMARY
is chapter began with the question, “What does it mean to be White?” is
question is signicant for White social workers, who may be unaware that they
may be victims of their own cultural tradition, and that their behaviors may re ect
the inherited racial biases, prejudices, and stereotypes of their forebears. With this
question in mind we examined the dynamics of Whiteness through two theo-
retical models of White racial identity development: the Hardiman White racial
identity development model and the Helms White racial identity model. We then
presented a descriptive model of White racial identity development based on these
two models. Our developmental model has the following stages: conformity, dis-
sonance, resistance and immersion, introspection, and integrative awareness. e
interplay between the various stages of White identity development has signi cant
implications for a White social worker engaged in providing services for culturally
diverse clients.
In this chapter we have stressed the need for White Euro-American social
workers to understand the assumptions inherent in White racial identity develop-
ment models. Readers are asked to consider seriously the validity of these assump-
tions and engage one another in a dialogue about them. As stated earlier in this
chapter the eectiveness of White social workers is related to their overcoming
sociocultural conditioning and making their Whiteness visible.
Undergirding this chapter is an acceptance that racism is a basic and integral
part of U.S. life and permeates all aspects of our culture and institutions. White
social workers have been socialized into U.S. society and therefore have inherited
the biases, stereotypes, and racist attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors of thesociety.
As one White mental health professional stated openly in a race dialogue sym-
posium conducted by one of the authors of this text, “Racism is like living for
long periods in a smog-lled city. You become so acclimated to the pollution that
you do not realize the extent of the pollution until you leave the city and breathe
fresh air.” In other words, all White helping professionals—whether knowingly
or unknowingly—harbor racist attitudes and engage in unintentional racism.
By employing the White racial identity development model as a heuristic in the
same manner as the integrative racial/cultural identity development model dis-
cussed in Chapter 6, one can better understand how the level of White racial
identity development in an interracial encounter (working with minority clients)
can aect the process and outcome of the interracial relationship (in social work
practice).
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204 MULTICULTURAL SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE
REFLECTION AND DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
1. Do the information-processing strategies (IPSs) described in Helms (1995)
model have relevance to you? Are there others strategies that come to mind?
2. As a White social worker what are some of the implicit and explicit barriers for
achieving the integrative awareness stage? For example, what would make it
dicult for you to interrupt a stranger or even a family member when a racist or
sexist joke is being made?
3. Have you ever been in a situation where you were the only White person in an
activity or event full of African Americans or Latinos/Hispanics? What thoughts
did you have? How did you feel? Were you uncomfortable or fearful?
4. What would you need in the way of support or personal moral courage to move
toward developing a nonracist White identity?
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