Daniel Patrick Moynihan

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LATE A SENATOR FROM NEW YORK

MEMORIAL ADDRESSES AND

OTHER TRIBUTES

IN THE CONGRESS OF

THE UNITED STATES

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congress.#15

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Daniel Patrick Moynihan

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GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE

WASHINGTON

2003

S. D

. 108–5

Memorial Addresses and

Other Tributes

HELD IN THE SENATE

AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE UNITED STATES

TOGETHER WITH A MEMORIAL SERVICE

IN HONOR OF

DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

Late a Senator from New York

One Hundred Eighth Congress

First Session

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Compiled under the direction

of the

Joint Committee on Printing

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[ iii ]

CONTENTS

Page

Biography .................................................................................................. v

Proceedings in the Senate:

Tributes by Senators:

Akaka, Daniel K., of Hawaii ..................................................... 79

Alexander, Lamar, of Tennessee ............................................... 11

Baucus, Max, of Montana .......................................................... 30

Bennett, Robert F., of Utah ....................................................... 7

Biden, Joseph R., Jr., of Delaware ........................................... 34

Bond, Christopher S., of Missouri ............................................. 57

Brownback, Sam, of Kansas ...................................................... 62

Burns, Conrad R., of Montana .................................................. 58

Byrd, Robert C., of West Virginia ............................................. 59

Chafee, Lincoln D., of Rhode Island ......................................... 78

Clinton, Hillary Rodham, of New York .................................... 3, 45

Cochran, Thad, of Mississippi ................................................... 77

Conrad, Kent, of North Dakota ................................................. 69

Daschle, Thomas A., of South Dakota ...................................... 5, 55

Dodd, Christopher J., of Connecticut ....................................... 48

Domenici, Pete V., of New Mexico ............................................ 66

Feingold, Russell D., of Wisconsin ............................................ 72

Frist, Bill, of Tennessee ........................................................ 13, 16, 65

Graham, Bob, of Florida ............................................................ 68

Hagel, Chuck, of Nebraska ........................................................ 71

Hollings, Ernest F., of South Carolina ..................................... 52

Inhofe, James M., of Oklahoma ................................................ 29

Kennedy, Edward M., of Massachusetts .................................. 53

Lautenberg, Frank, of New Jersey ........................................... 17

Levin, Carl, of Michigan ............................................................ 50

Lieberman, Joseph I., of Connecticut ....................................... 71

Lott, Trent, of Mississippi ......................................................... 6

Lugar, Richard G., of Indiana ................................................... 34

Reid, Harry, of Nevada .............................................................. 25

Sarbanes, Paul S., of Maryland ................................................ 74

Schumer, Charles, of New York ............................................ 4, 35, 42

Sessions, Jeff, of Alabama ......................................................... 16

Snowe, Olympia J., of Maine .................................................... 80

Warner, John W., of Virginia .................................................... 73

Proceedings in the House of Representatives:

Tributes by Representatives:

Blumenauer, Earl, of Oregon .................................................... 88

Davis, Tom, of Virginia .............................................................. 88

Hinojosa, Rube

n, of Texas ......................................................... 86

Maloney, Carolyn B., of New York ........................................... 83

Memorial Service ...................................................................................... 91

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[ v ]

BIOGRAPHY

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served as the senior U.S. Sen-

ator from New York. First elected in 1976, Senator M

NIHAN

was re-elected in 1982, 1988, and 1994. He then be-

came a university professor at Syracuse University and a

senior scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center

for Scholars in Washington, DC. In May 2001, President

George W. Bush appointed him co-chair of the President’s

Commission to Strengthen Social Security. He also served as

a member of the National Commission on Federal Election

Reform (2001).

Senator M

OYNIHAN

was the ranking minority member of

the Senate Committee on Finance, having earlier served as

chairman. He was on the Senate Committee on Environment

and Public Works of which he was also formerly chairman,

and the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration. He

was also a member of the Joint Committee on Taxation and

the Joint Committee on the Library. A member of the Cabi-

net or sub-Cabinet of Presidents Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon,

and Ford, Senator M

OYNIHAN

is the only person in American

history to serve in the Cabinet or sub-Cabinet for four suc-

cessive administrations. He was U.S. Ambassador to India

from 1973 to 1975 and U.S. Representative to the United

Nations from 1975 to 1976. In February 1976 he represented

the United States as president of the U.N. Security Council.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

was born March 16, 1927. He attended

public and parochial schools in New York City and grad-

uated from Benjamin Franklin High School in East Harlem.

He attended the City College of New York for 1 year before

enlisting in the U.S. Navy. He served on active duty from

1944 to 1947, last serving as Gunnery Officer of the U.S.S.

Quirinus. In 1966 he completed 20 years in the Naval Re-

serve and was retired. He earned his bachelor’s degree (cum

laude) from Tufts University, studied at the London School

of Economics as a Fulbright scholar, and received his M.A.

and Ph.D. from Tufts’ Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

was a member of Averell Harriman’s

New York gubernatorial campaign in 1954 and thereafter

served 4 years on the Governor’s staff, in positions including

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[ vi ]

acting secretary to the Governor. He was a Kennedy delegate

at the 1960 Democratic Convention. From 1961 to 1965, he

served in the U.S. Department of Labor as Assistant to the

Secretary, Arthur J. Goldberg, and later as Assistant Sec-

retary of Labor for Policy Planning and Research. In 1966,

Senator M

OYNIHAN

became director of the Joint Center for

Urban Studies at Harvard University and the Massachusetts

Institute of Technology. He was a professor of government at

Harvard, having earlier been an assistant professor of gov-

ernment at Syracuse University, and a fellow at the Center

for Advanced Studies at Wesleyan University. He has re-

ceived 65 honorary degrees including a doctorate of laws

from Yale University in 2000 and from Harvard University

in 2002. Senator M

OYNIHAN

is the author or editor of 18

books. His last book, Secrecy, was published by Yale in the

fall of 1998. The study expands on the report of the Commis-

sion on Protecting and Reducing Government Secrecy, of

which he was chairman. Starting in 1977, Senator M

NIHAN

published an annual accounting of the flow of funds

between the Federal Government and the State of New York.

In 1992, the analysis became a joint publication with the

Taubman Center for State and Local Government at the

John F. Kennedy School at Harvard and began including all

50 States.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

was a fellow of the American Associa-

tion for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). He was chair-

man of the AAAS section on Social, Economic and Political

Science (1971–1972) and a member of the board of directors

(1972–1973). He served as a member of the President’s

Science Advisory Committee (1971–1973). He was vice chair-

man (1971–1976) of the board of the Woodrow Wilson Inter-

national Center for Scholars.

He was founding chairman of the board of trustees of the

Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden (1971–1985), for

which he received the Smithsonian Institution’s Joseph

Henry Medal in 1985. From 1987 to 2001, he was a member

of the Smithsonian’s board of regents, and in 2001 was

named regent emeritus.

In 1965, Senator M

OYNIHAN

received the Arthur S.

Flemming Award for his work as ‘‘an architect of the Na-

tion’s program to eradicate poverty.’’ He has also received

the International League of Human Rights Award (1975) and

the John LaFarge Award for Interracial Justice (1980). In

1983, he was the first recipient of the American Political

Science Association’s Hubert H. Humphrey Award for ‘‘nota-

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[ vii ]

ble public service by a political scientist.’’ In 1984, Senator

OYNIHAN

received the State University of New York at Al-

bany’s Medallion of the University in recognition of his ‘‘ex-

traordinary public service and leadership in the field of edu-

cation.’’ In 1986, he received the Agency Seal Medallion of

the Central Intelligence Agency in recognition of his ‘‘out-

standing accomplishments as a member of the Senate Select

Committee on Intelligence, . . . serving with full knowledge

that his achievements would never receive public recogni-

tion.’’

He has also received the Laetare Medal of the University

of Notre Dame (1992); the Thomas Jefferson Award for Pub-

lic Architecture from the American Institute of Architects

(1992); the Thomas Jefferson Medal for Distinguished

Achievement in the Arts or Humanities from the American

Philosophical Society (1993); and the Thomas Jefferson

Medal in Architecture from the University of Virginia (2000).

In 1994, he received the Gold Medal Award honoring ‘‘serv-

ices to humanity’’ from the National Institute of Social

Sciences. In 1997, the College of Physicians and Surgeons at

Columbia University awarded Senator M

OYNIHAN

the Cart-

wright Prize. He was the 1998 recipient of the Heinz Award

in Public Policy for ‘‘having been a distinct and unique voice

in this century—independent in his convictions, a scholar,

teacher, statesman and politician, skilled in the art of the

possible.’’ In August 2000, he received the Presidential

Medal of Freedom, the Nation’s highest civil honor. He was

the recipient in October 2001 of the second annual Urban

Land Institute-J.C. Nichols Prize for Visionary Urban Devel-

opment in recognition of his lifelong dedication to excellence

in urban design, public building architecture and community

revitalization issues.

Elizabeth Brennan Moynihan, his wife of 47 years, is an

architectural historian with a special interest in 16th cen-

tury Mughal architecture in India. She is the author of Para-

dise as a Garden: In Persia and Mughal India (1979), editor

of The Moonlight Garden: New Discoveries at the Taj Mahal

(2001) and numerous articles. Mrs. Moynihan is a former

chairman of the board of the American Schools of Oriental

Research. She served as a member of the Indo-U.S. Sub-

commission on Education and Culture, and is currently on

the visiting committee of the Freer Gallery of Art at the

Smithsonian. She is vice chair of the board of the National

Building Museum and serves on the Trustees Council of the

Preservation League of New York State. There are three

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[ viii ]

Moynihan children: Timothy Patrick, Maura Russell, and

John McCloskey; along with two grandchildren: Michael Pat-

rick and Zora Olea.

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MEMORIAL ADDRESSES

AND

OTHER TRIBUTES

FOR

DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

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Proceedings in the Senate

EDNESDAY

, March 26, 2003

TRIBUTE TO DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

Mrs. CLINTON. Madam President, I come to the floor on

very sad business, both for this body, for my State, and my

country. We have just received word that Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

has passed away. For those of us who

were privileged to know him, to work with him, to admire

and respect him, this is a loss beyond my capacity to express.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

for decades represented the highest

ideals and values of the United States of America. A son of

Hell’s Kitchen in New York City, he rose to be a confidante

and adviser to Presidents. He is responsible for many of the

most important ideas and legislative programs that have im-

proved the lives of people in New York, people here in Wash-

ington, DC, and our country and around the world.

I am very honored to hold the seat that Senator M

OYNIHAN

held for so long and so well. Along with his wonderful wife

Liz Moynihan, they have been great counselors and advisers

to me personally. I will miss him greatly.

Sometimes when I sit here on the floor of the Senate, I

wish that Senator M

OYNIHAN

could be here in spirit as well

as body, that his wise counsel could influence our decision-

making, that he would remind us that what we do, what we

say, what we vote for is not just for today, it is for all time.

It goes down into the history books. It represents the judg-

ments that we make. It truly displays the values that we

claim to hold.

He understood that being a U.S. Senator was a precious

trust. Anyone who ever heard him speak knows the experi-

ence of learning more than you ever thought possible in a

short period of time. He could explain and expound on such

a range of subjects that it took my breath away. I remember

riding with him through western New York on a bus during

the 1992 campaign and hearing the most exquisite disposi-

tion about the history of the Indian nations, the Revolution-

ary War, the geological formations. The love he had for New

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[ 4 ]

York and America was overwhelming and so obvious to any-

one who spent more than a minute in his company.

He also held high standards about what we should expect

from this great country of ours. He wanted us to keep look-

ing beyond the short term, looking beyond the horizon,

thinking about the next generation, understanding the big

problems that confront us, having the courage to tackle what

is not immediately popular, even not immediately under-

standable, because that is what we are charged to do in this

deliberative body.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s scholarly undertakings also will

stand the test of time. He sometimes was ahead of his time.

In each of his writings or his speeches, whether you agreed

with him or not, you were forced to think and think hard.

He certainly opened my eyes to a lot of difficult issues.

I could not have had a stronger, more helpful adviser dur-

ing my campaign than Senator M

OYNIHAN

. I started my lis-

tening tour of my exploration of whether or not to run for

this office at Pindars Corners, his farm in upstate New York,

a place that he loved beyond words.

I met him in a little schoolhouse, a 19th century school-

house that was on the property where he wrote. He would

walk down the road from his house to that little schoolhouse

every day where he would think deeply and write about the

issues that he knew would be important, not just for tomor-

row’s headline but for years and years to come.

There is not any way that anyone will ever fill his place

in this Senate, not just in the order of succession definition

but in the intellectual power, the passion, the love of this ex-

traordinary body and our country. He will be so missed.

On behalf of myself and my family and the people I rep-

resent, I extend my condolence and sympathy not only to his

wonderful family and not only to New Yorkers who elected

him time and time again, increasing majorities from one end

of the State to the next, but to our country. We have lost a

great American, an extraordinary Senator, an intellectual,

and a man of passion and understanding about what really

makes this country great.

Mr. SCHUMER. Madam President, I rise in abject sadness

on the horrible news that Senator M

OYNIHAN

has passed

from our midst. When it was announced in our caucus that

this terrible event had occurred, you could just see the en-

ergy come out of the room and the sadness come on

everybody’s face. Senator M

OYNIHAN

was a unique individ-

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ual. He wasn’t just another Senator. He wasn’t just another

human being. He was very special.

Rarely has one man changed society so with his ideas, the

idea that one man can change society for the better. Senator

OYNIHAN

’s life was testament to that fact. His life was tes-

tament to the fact that one man who just thinks can make

an enormous difference. He was truly a giant—a giant as a

thinker, as a Senator, and as a human being. He was a kind

and compassionate person, a loving husband. Liz, our

thoughts go out to you and to all of the Moynihan children

and family. I have known him for a very long time.

When I was a student at Harvard College, I audited his

course. I got to know him a little bit then. As I went through

my congressional career, we used to have lunch every so

often. He was a complete joy to just sit down and have lunch

with and exchange ideas.

He looked out for people. He cared about people. He had

real courage. When he disagreed with the conventional wis-

dom, nothing would stop P

OYNIHAN

from making his

view heard and making it heard in such an interesting and

intellectually and thoughtful way.

Again, he changed our world for the better. There are hun-

dreds of millions of human beings in this country who do not

know it, but he made their lives better. There are billions of

people in the world, and through his work he made their

lives better.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

was loved in my home State of New

York from one end of the State to the other. We are a big,

broad, diverse State. It is very hard to find consensus with

19 million New Yorkers, but just about everybody loved P

OYNIHAN

. He did it through a big heart and a great mind.

He is now with his Maker. I know I will be looking up to

the heavens for inspiration, as I looked to Senator M

NIHAN

’s office when he was still with us.

I very much regret his passing. I pray for the Moynihan

family and for the children. I hope God gives us a few more

OYNIHAN

s in this Senate and in this country. I thank

the Chair.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Democratic leader.

Mr. DASCHLE. Madam President, I commend the distin-

guished Senator from New York for his eloquence and his

empathy for the family especially of our departed colleague,

OYNIHAN

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The Senator from New York used the term ‘‘giant,’’ and,

indeed, in this case, I can think of no better word to describe

the man, the magnitude, the depth, the history, the persona

of P

OYNIHAN

The Almanac of American Politics called P

OYNIHAN

the Nation’s best thinker among politicians since Lincoln and

its best politician among thinkers since Jefferson. Scholar,

educator, statesman, adviser to four Presidents—Presidents

Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and Ford—Pat M

OYNIHAN

was the

only person in American history to serve in a Cabinet or sub-

Cabinet position in four successive administrations.

As my colleagues have noted, he represented the State of

New York for 24 years in the Senate with unique vision,

imagination, intelligence, and integrity. In many respects,

OYNIHAN

was larger than life, whether on the streets

of New York or in the corridors of this Capitol. He was a be-

loved father, grandfather, friend, and colleague to so many

of us.

I, too, extend my condolences on behalf of the entire Sen-

ate to his wife Liz, to his children, Tim, Maura, and John,

his grandchildren, Zora and Michael Patrick. New York and

the Nation have lost a giant.

I yield the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Mississippi.

Mr. LOTT. Madam President, I was very sorry to learn of

the passing of our good friend and great Senator from New

York, Senator M

OYNIHAN

. I wanted to come and extend con-

dolences on behalf of myself and a lot of other Senators to

the family, the children, the grandchildren, and the people of

New York, and to America because we have lost truly a great

man in Senator P

OYNIHAN

Sometimes people do not realize the types of relationships

we do build in this Chamber across the broad philosophical

and partisan divide. But P

OYNIHAN

was not that kind

of man. He was always willing to work with Senators, no

matter where they were from or what their views were, to

try to do the right thing.

Since I have been watching the Senate over the last 30

years up close and personal, as a House Member and a Sen-

ator, I have not known a more brilliant and more erudite

Senator than the distinguished Senator P

OYNIHAN

New York. He served his country in so many different criti-

cal roles.

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[ 7 ]

He studied, wrote papers, and made us realize problems

we would just as soon not talk about—problems with the

children in America, the problems of poverty, the importance

of the world community.

He did so many exceptional things for Democratic adminis-

trations and, yes, Republican administrations, and in the

majority and in the minority in the Senate. I grew to admire

him and appreciate him, to seek his advice, and even try to

get his vote on occasion, and on occasion he gave it because

I was able to convince him that maybe it was the right thing

to do.

He also had a sense of humor I learned to appreciate. But

more than anything, I will remember my encounters with

Senator M

OYNIHAN

in the little dining room downstairs.

About once a week—sometimes not that often, maybe once a

month—I would go down to get a bite to eat and he would

be there. He always ate strange orders of food, I might say,

but I just loved his knowledge. It became an opportunity for

me to learn about the world. I would pick a country: Tell me

about India. An hour later he was still talking.

I remember one time, I said, ‘‘I do not quite understand

what is going on in East Timor,’’ and he corrected my pro-

nunciation and told me what was going on in that part of the

world, what had happened historically—such a wealth of

knowledge—all the players involved, the religious consider-

ations, what the solutions could have been, what the solu-

tions might be, what the future would hold. More than

once—I would say at least three times—before I got back to

my office, before the afternoon was out, a book would arrive

that he had written or that I should read to understand

what was going on in the world. What a special touch.

Senator P

OYNIHAN

tried to help educate this Senator,

one who needed a lot of help. He gave me a greater apprecia-

tion of our relationship with countries and people all over

the world.

This was a giant of a man, a giant of a Senator, a humble

man, in many respects. I have missed him since he left the

Senate, and we will all miss him now that he has gone on

to his great reward.

I had to come to the floor and express my personal feelings

about the great Senator from New York and how much he

meant to me personally, to the Senate, and to the country.

Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, I have just heard the sad-

dening news that our former colleague, Senator M

OYNIHAN

New York, has passed away. This is a great loss for the

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[ 8 ]

State of New York, but it is also a great loss for the people

of the United States. He was one of the truly outstanding

public servants of his time and one of the intellectual towers

of this body.

I first met P

OYNIHAN

when I served in the Nixon ad-

ministration working at the Department of Transportation. I

can say with some accuracy that the name P

OYNIHAN

filled us all with dread and fear because he was the Presi-

dent’s counselor on domestic issues. We were afraid he would

come to the Department of Transportation and expose all of

our weaknesses; that with his intellect he could discover very

quickly where we were doing things wrong.

I met him at the White House as we would go over and

discuss various transportation issues. On one occasion, Sec-

retary Volpe invited Mr. M

OYNIHAN

to come to the depart-

ment and address all of the department’s senior manage-

ment. We had a program of management dinners where all

of the senior officials of the department would gather to-

gether and we would have a speaker come in and talk with

us. Mr. M

OYNIHAN

was the first of those speakers, along

with Bryce Harlow, who came at my invitation, a little later.

That was my moment in the sun with Secretary Volpe, that

I was able to call Bryce Harlow and get him to come over

and give the address.

I still remember very clearly what P

OYNIHAN

said to

us on that occasion and the lesson he gave us. Being the stu-

dent of history that he was, he went back to relatively recent

history in describing pivotal events in America. He made this

point: Political scientists assume that President Kennedy

and President Johnson were activist Presidents, whereas

President Eisenhower is always described as a passive Presi-

dent, or a pacifist kind of President. He said that particular

characterization is given by their opponents, as well as their

defenders, people defending Eisenhower’s passive attitude to-

ward government, as well as those attacking it, and so on

with Kennedy and Johnson.

However, he said, history will show that President Eisen-

hower affected life in the United States more than all of the

things done by Kennedy and Johnson put together. Why? Be-

cause President Eisenhower was responsible for the creation

of the interstate highway system.

Recognize again, he was addressing a group of officials at

the Department of Transportation. He had done his home-

work and focused on a transportation issue. He outlined for

us the changes in American life that came from the inter-

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[ 9 ]

state highway system, how cities that were left off the sys-

tem more or less withered and died and other cities that

found themselves on the system had tremendous growth;

how the system created efficiency for the transportation of

goods and people all over the United States.

I remember one statistic, when I worked at the Depart-

ment of Transportation, that said 95 percent of intercity

trips took place on the interstate highway system. We fo-

cused on travel as being a competition in those days between

air travel and rail travel, and indeed in the industrial age,

going back to Abraham Lincoln’s time and after the Civil

War, almost all intercity trips were by rail. Then the airlines

came in and we talked about the airlines cutting into the rail

industry.

He pointed out it was not the airline industry that de-

stroyed railroad passenger traffic; it was the interstate high-

way system and the convenience that came with the oppor-

tunity to take one’s own automobile and go from one city to

the other and then have local transportation while there.

They did not have to catch a cab when they came out of the

train station. They brought it with them.

It was this ability to see beyond the specifics of conven-

tional wisdom, step back and see the overall picture that de-

fined P

OYNIHAN

. He did it for us in that particular

speech, but he did it throughout his entire career.

I remember as we became acquainted that he talked with

me about the work he did with my father when my father

was in the Senate and he was in the Nixon administration.

They were talking about programs that the Nixon adminis-

tration tried to put into place which, for one reason or an-

other, the Congress did not accept. He said to me, if we had

prevailed in that program that Wallace Bennett was for, we

wouldn’t have many of the urban problems that we have

today.

I won’t try to imitate his accent because it was distinctly

his and was part of his charm.

One of the things that I had not understood but that I

came to know while P

OYNIHAN

was in the Senate was

the role he played in the rejuvenation of Washington, DC.

The story is told and accepted as conventional wisdom that

when John F. Kennedy went in his inaugural parade from

the Capitol to the White House, he noticed how rundown

Pennsylvania Avenue was—and it was. Those of us who re-

member Pennsylvania Avenue in the 1960s remember it as

a place of rundown seedy shops and disreputable buildings

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[ 10 ]

that were badly in need of replacement. The conventional

wisdom is that John F. Kennedy noticed that as he went by

in his limousine and said, ‘‘We have to do something about

that.’’ And the rejuvenation of Pennsylvania Avenue began

in the Kennedy administration.

In fact, that is not true. It was not John F. Kennedy who

noticed it; it was P

OYNIHAN

who noticed it and called

it to the attention of John F. Kennedy, who, then, in the

spirit of all of us in politics, took his staffer’s advice and put

it forward as his own.

OYNIHAN

, as chairman of what we used to call the

Public Works Committee—now it is the Environment and

Public Works Committee—saw to it that Pennsylvania Ave-

nue was turned into the kind of memorial avenue that the

world’s greatest power deserves; that it changed from what

it had been to become the architectural delight that it is

today.

I had not realized that until I read P

OYNIHAN

’s

memos. He shared them with me, in another circumstance,

and going through the memos I realized he was personally

the driving force behind that kind of an effort. That dem-

onstrates how much of a renaissance man he was. He was

interested in architecture. He was interested in art. He was

one of those who helped create the National Endowment for

the Arts.

Yes, as a legislator he was interested in public issues and

public policy, but as a renaissance man he remained inter-

ested in just about everything else.

I can’t think of any career covering a wider number of op-

portunities than his: Ambassador to the United Nations, Am-

bassador to India, serving Presidents regardless of party, re-

gardless of ideology, with wisdom, clarity, and again the abil-

ity to see the big picture, the overall historical circumstance,

and not just the issue directly in front of him.

I remember when he was chairman of the Finance Com-

mittee and we were locked in this Chamber in a bitter battle

over health care. He did his duty. He was the good soldier.

He did his best to carry the water for the administration.

But in private conversations with him he would candidly

share some of the same concerns that the rest of us had.

While he was the good soldier all the way to the end, I know

he gave the administration Dutch uncle advice as to what

they should be doing.

I remember sitting in the Cabinet Room of the White

House when President Clinton had a group of us down to

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[ 11 ]

talk about what we needed to do to get trade authority, to

get fast track. All of us were being appropriately respectful

of the President, as you are in that kind of circumstance. All

of us were trying to put forward our opinions in as tender

and gingerly expressed a way as we could because we were

with the President. P

OYNIHAN

sat at the President’s left

and the President said, ‘‘What do we need to do to get trade

authority passed?’’

He said, ‘‘Sir, you need to get more Democrats.’’

That warmed my heart. The Republicans were in favor of

fast track. We didn’t want to say it. And P

OYNIHAN

summarized it: ‘‘Sir, you need to get more Democrats.’’

The President looked at him and said; ‘‘P

, you are abso-

lutely right. How do we do that?’’

Then they had a very candid discussion.

He was not overly awed by anyone, regardless—with re-

spect to their position. But he was always awed by any

human being who had something to tell him. His attitude

was that he could learn from anyone.

His health was not the best. His passing is not unexpected.

But this is a time for us to rejoice in the opportunity of hav-

ing known him, having worked with him in this body and

having been blessed by his intellect, his humor, his humility,

and his great understanding. We shall miss him, and we ex-

press our great condolence to his wife Liz and to all of the

members of his family.

The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Coleman). The Senator

from Tennessee.

Mr. ALEXANDER. Mr. President, I am glad I had the op-

portunity to hear the Senator from Utah talk about our

friend P

OYNIHAN

because in 1969 the Senator from

Utah and I had different jobs. I was working for Bryce Har-

low in the White House and he was working for Secretary

Volpe, both of us in the Nixon administration.

One of the things I think many people will find interesting

about the Nixon administration, is what an extraordinarily

diverse group of individuals the President was able to at-

tract. The Senator from Utah and I were young persons. I

am not talking about us at that time. But I am talking about

Henry Kissinger and Arthur Burns and Bryce Harlow and

foremost among them was P

OYNIHAN

Particularly when we look at a Washington, DC, where so

many issues are so divisive and so partisan—there was a lot

of partisanship back then. Look back at 1969. Here was P

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[ 12 ]

OYNIHAN

, a Harvard professor, Kennedy Democrat, who be-

came the Republican President’s domestic policy adviser. He

was an extraordinary person. He was, as the Senator from

Utah pointed out, a man who could see a long distance.

In the 1960s he coined the phrase ‘‘benign neglect,’’ when

he talked about the breakdown of the American family and

the effect it might have on African-American families. He

was courageous enough to talk about that. He predicted at

that time that if the rate of breakdown of families that was

then occurring among African-American families were to

occur among all families, it would be a catastrophe for Amer-

ica. That percentage has long since been surpassed. P

OYNIHAN

was willing to talk about it.

He was a great teacher. He attracted into the White House

at that time a cadre of young M

OYNIHAN

devotees who are

still around today—for example, Checker Finn, a young Har-

vard graduate who is a leading education expert; and Chris

DeMuth, who has had a distinguished career here. All of

those young people were attracted by his intellect and his

sense of public service.

He had an ability even then to be a person who crossed

party lines. He was one of the old Democratic liberals such

as Al Shanker—some of them are called neoconservatives

today—who saw our country in a very accurate and clear

way.

He believed in America. Though born in Tulsa, OK, he had

the soul of an immigrant, a great immigrant, an Irish immi-

grant, with all the characteristics that we think of when we

think of great Irish immigrants. But he was an American

first. He was proud of his ancestry but he was prouder of the

country to which his ancestors came.

He loved politics. His favorite character was George Wash-

ington Plunkitt, the boss of Tammany Hall. He wrote a fore-

word for a book on Plunkitt. Plunkitt’s favorite comment

was, ‘‘I seen my opportunities and I took ’em.’’

He went to the United Nations where he pounded the

desk. He went to India as Ambassador. He ran for the Sen-

ate. Think of this. He ran in 1976, a man from the then-dis-

graced Nixon administration. I know what that was like. I

was in that administration. I had been a candidate myself in

1974—lost; and here was P

OYNIHAN

in New York State,

a Democratic State, running for the Senate as a Democrat,

able to be elected because of the respect people had for him.

I watched him during his whole career. When I was Edu-

cation Secretary he came down and lectured me from this

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[ 13 ]

body because he wanted me to be more aggressive on stand-

ards. But he was always such a gentle person.

As I have gone along in life, I have especially appreciated

people who are well known and famous who take time for

people who are not so well known and famous. I can remem-

ber when my wife and I, in our early thirties—I was, she

was younger—went to Harvard, to the John F. Kennedy

School of Government, where P

had gone in the early

1970s. He was a famous man, a great professor, a former ad-

viser to Presidents. Everyone knew him. No one knew us.

But he saw us and he spent 45 minutes or an hour with us.

He was a teacher and we were his students.

I am glad to be on the floor today to hear my friend from

Utah speak about such a distinguished American. We need

more Senators, more public leaders, with the breadth and

the intellect and the understanding of American history that

OYNIHAN

had. We need more who have the capacity to

work across party lines, to solve tough problems such as So-

cial Security, which he helped to solve, and to enjoy politics,

to love George Washington Plunkitt, and the rough and tum-

ble of Tammany Hall politics, but at the same time, when

the Nation’s issues are foremost, to put them first.

So I rise today to salute a great American, a real patriot,

and perhaps a person who most of us—Senators or stu-

dents—will remember as a great teacher.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I rise with sadness on the word

we heard this evening with regard to the death of one of our

most notable former Members this afternoon.

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served in the Senate over a

period from 1977 to 2001. But he served our country in so

many different roles over the past half century, as we have

heard through other tributes tonight. Rising from the depths

of Hell’s Kitchen in New York, he became one of America’s

true leading intellectuals whose foresight and whose ability

brought to public attention a mass of critical issues long be-

fore others even realized these issues existed. From identify-

ing the stresses and challenges of urban America to spear-

heading the reformation of Pennsylvania Avenue, from Presi-

dent Nixon’s welfare reform plan to Y2K, from Soviet spying

to bringing our state of National security into the sunshine,

OYNIHAN

was at the center of most of our public policy

challenges in the last half of the 20th century.

OYNIHAN

, a confidant and essential aide to Presi-

dents of both parties, came to Washington’s attention in the

early 1960s as a steward of President Kennedy’s effort to

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[ 14 ]

bring Pennsylvania Avenue back to life. His ability brought

him to President Nixon’s Cabinet as Head of the Domestic

Policy Council, and he later became Ambassador to India

and Gerald Ford’s Ambassador to the United Nations, where

he served so well defending the West against totalitarian re-

gimes.

Elected to the Senate in a notable class, he quickly became

a leading voice on an extensive range of public policy. While

the Senate recognized his ability as chairman of both the Fi-

nance Committee and the Environment and Public Works

Committee, his contributions to our work were broad and

deep.

For example, at a time when Social Security was reeling

and near insolvency, P

OYNIHAN

stepped forward and,

with Senator Dole, Alan Greenspan, and President Reagan,

rescued the system for the benefit of millions of Americans.

In that role, he bridged partisan differences and rose above

petty politics to forge a successful solution that brought sta-

bility and security to that system. He did that conscious of

the need to be responsible not only to the current recipients

but to the future beneficiaries who at the time were not even

born.

This spirit animated his observations and animated his

work, not just on Social Security but other great domestic

programs, such as Medicaid, Medicare, and welfare.

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served not only as a Senator

from New York, he was one of our leading lights and innova-

tive thinkers. He never hesitated to offer a timely observa-

tion, a useful insight, or a historical analogy that not only

demonstrated his vast knowledge but was truly useful in

analyzing the challenges ahead. His contributions to public

policy and his influence in this Chamber will echo for dec-

ades to come.

Indeed, our condolences go out to his family and to loved

ones, as well as to his many friends and former staff mem-

bers. We are a better institution, and we are all better public

servants for having known P

OYNIHAN

SUBMISSION OF CONCURRENT AND SENATE RESOLUTIONS

The following Senate resolution was read, and referred (or

acted upon), as indicated:

By Mr. SCHUMER (for himself, Mrs. Clinton, Mr. Frist, Mr. Daschle, Mr.

Lott, Mr. Akaka, Mr. Alexander, Mr. Allard, Mr. Allen, Mr. Baucus, Mr.

Bayh, Mr. Bennett, Mr. Biden, Mr. Bingaman, Mr. Bond, Mrs. Boxer, Mr.

Breaux, Mr. Brownback, Mr. Bunning, Mr. Burns, Mr. Byrd, Mr. Campbell,

Ms. Cantwell, Mr. Carper, Mr. Chafee, Mr. Chambliss, Mr. Cochran, Mr.

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[ 15 ]

Coleman, Ms. Collins, Mr. Conrad, Mr. Cornyn, Mr. Corzine, Mr. Craig, Mr.

Crapo, Mr. Dayton, Mr. DeWine, Mr. Dodd, Mrs. Dole, Mr. Domenici, Mr.

Dorgan, Mr. Durbin, Mr. Edwards, Mr. Ensign, Mr. Enzi, Mr. Feingold, Mrs.

Feinstein, Mr. Fitzgerald, Mr. Graham of Florida, Mr. Graham of South

Carolina, Mr. Grassley, Mr. Gregg, Mr. Hagel, Mr. Harkin, Mr. Hatch, Mr.

Hollings, Mrs. Hutchison, Mr. Inhofe, Mr. Inouye, Mr. Jeffords, Mr. John-

son, Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Kohl, Mr. Kyl, Ms. Landrieu, Mr. Lauten-

berg, Mr. Leahy, Mr. Levin, Mr. Lieberman, Mrs. Lincoln, Mr. Lugar, Mr.

McCain, Mr. McConnell, Ms. Mikulski, Mr. Miller, Ms. Murkowski, Mrs.

Murray, Mr. Nelson of Florida, Mr. Nelson of Nebraska, Mr. Nickles, Mr.

Pryor, Mr. Reed, Mr. Reid, Mr. Roberts, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Santorum, Mr.

Sarbanes, Mr. Sessions, Mr. Shelby, Mr. Smith, Ms. Snowe, Mr. Specter,

Ms. Stabenow, Mr. Stevens, Mr. Sununu, Mr. Talent, Mr. Thomas, Mr.

Voinovich, Mr. Warner, and Mr. Wyden):

S. Res. 99. A resolution relative to the death of D

ANIEL

ATRICK

NIHAN

, former United States Senator for the State of New York; considered

and agreed to.

DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that

the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. Res.

99 submitted earlier today.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will report the reso-

lution by title.

The legislative clerk read as follows:

A resolution (S. Res. 99) relative to the death of D

ANIEL

ATRICK

NIHAN

, former United States Senator for the State of New York.

There being no objection, the Senate proceeded to consider

the resolution.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that

the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and

the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so or-

dered.

The resolution (S. Res. 99) was agreed to.

The preamble was agreed to.

The resolution, with its preamble, reads as follows:

S. R

. 99

Whereas D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served in the United States Navy

from 1944 to 1947;

Whereas D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

held cabinet or sub-cabinet positions

under Presidents John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Ger-

ald Ford from 1961 to 1976;

Whereas D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served as Ambassador to India from

1973 to 1975;

Whereas D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served as the United States Perma-

nent Representative to the United Nations from 1975 to 1976;

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[ 16 ]

Whereas D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

served the people of New York with

distinction for 24 years in the United States Senate; and

Whereas D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

was the author of countless books

and scholarly articles which contributed enormously to the intellectual vigor

of the nation: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow and deep re-

gret the announcement of the death of the Honorable D

ANIEL

ATRICK

NIHAN

, former member of the U.S. Senate.

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate communicate these resolutions

to the House of Representatives and transmit an enrolled copy thereof to the

family of the deceased;

Resolved, That when the Senate adjourns today, it stand adjourned as a

further mark of respect to the memory of the Honorable D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, if there is no further business

to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that the

Senate stand in adjournment under the provisions of S. Res.

99 as a further mark of respect for our friend and colleague,

Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, following the remarks

of Senator Sessions for up to 10 minutes.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so or-

dered.

Mr. FRIST. The Senator from Alabama.

TRIBUTE TO SENATOR DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

Mr. SESSIONS. Mr. President, I wish to share a few

thoughts on the passing of the remarkable D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, one of America’s most brilliant leaders. He

graced this Senate and served this country in innumerable

ways.

He, of course, was a great social scientist, a person able to

study complex data and make serious judgments. I remem-

ber being in the subway at a point not too long before he left

the Senate. Some numbers had come out that indicated we

were doing a little better in marriage, fewer children were

being born out of wedlock. We were standing there and

somebody said something about that point. With great inten-

sity and passion, he said, ‘‘That’s nothing. In the history of

the world, no Nation has ever seen a collapse of marriage

like we are seeing in this country.’’

It just hit me he was giving us a scientific analysis of a

very serious social problem with which we needed to deal,

and he took it very seriously.

Another incident I recall was being in a small dining room.

We were working late one night and voting. I went in with

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[ 17 ]

the majority leader, Trent Lott, and was talking to Trent

about Colombia, the revolutionaries there, the Marxist

group, the drug dealing group and wanted to do some things

better for Colombia. We sat down and Senator M

OYNIHAN

was there. Trent said, ‘‘P

, tell me about Colombia; what’s

going on in Colombia.’’

We just sat in rapt attention as he described the last 50

years in Colombia in detail—how this country had developed

a history of violence, how they were having revolutionary

problems, and how it was going to be very difficult to elimi-

nate those problems. I was stunned at the encyclopedic

knowledge he displayed.

As we left, Trent said, ‘‘I love to ask him those questions.

He always knows those kinds of things.’’ He said, ‘‘I do it fre-

quently just to see what he will share with us.’’

I remember asking about serving as Ambassador to India.

He told a story, a complex story, that gave such great insight

into the good people of India.

OYNIHAN

was an extraordinary person. He operated

on a higher level. He benefited this country in many ways.

He served Republican Presidents and Democratic Presidents,

and he served in this body. He helped point out the problems

with welfare and helped us move toward reform. He served

on the commission that courageously gave insight into how

we may improve Social Security. He in many ways had the

ability and the credibility to move the country in a way that

some lesser Senator may not have been able to do.

I wanted to take a moment before we adjourned to express

my thoughts about Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, one

of the most brilliant statesmen to ever grace this body.

HURSDAY

, March 27, 2003

TRIBUTE TO DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN

Mr. LAUTENBERG. I wish to pay tribute to a dear friend

who passed away yesterday, Senator forever, P

OYNIHAN

I came to the Senate 6 years after he arrived here, and we

served together for 18 years. We left together at the same

time in 2001.

I personally will miss him and think fondly of the mo-

ments we shared together, but, at the same time, say thank

goodness—thank goodness—that this place and this country

had Senator P

OYNIHAN

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[ 18 ]

He was a great man, with a brilliant mind, an incredible

wealth of knowledge. He will have left a mark forever on our

government and on our society, even at a time when our cul-

ture has exhibited an ephemeral quality.

We can think of the moments we shared with him, all of

us who had the good fortune to serve with him. Because New

York and New Jersey are neighboring States and have many

similar concerns, he and I worked closely on many issues.

We served together on the Environment and Public Works

Committee.

He will be rightfully remembered as one of the giants who

has served in this Senate. He will be able to be compared to

the greats at the founding of this country because his half

century of contributions to this body and to New York and

to the region and to the Nation and to the world are immeas-

urable.

He, like many who are serving now and have served, was

born in modest circumstances and was raised in an area on

the west side of New York called Hell’s Kitchen, a rough and

tumble area. He joined the Navy. He served in World War

II. And then he went on to earn degrees at the Fletcher

School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.

In the early 1950s, P

OYNIHAN

worked for the Inter-

national Rescue Committee, one of the earliest and most ef-

fective human rights organizations. Then he joined the ad-

ministration of New York Governor Averill Harriman, where

he met his beloved wife and someone we all love, Liz.

and Liz came to Washington with the Kennedy admin-

istration, and P

went on to serve in the Cabinet or sub-

Cabinet of the next three Presidents, two of whom were Re-

publicans. He served as U.S. Ambassador to India and as

U.S. Representative to the United Nations.

All the while, he had a busy and prolific career in aca-

demia, with teaching positions at Syracuse and Harvard and

other universities. It is often said that P

OYNIHAN

has

written more books than most people have read. And those

books were on subjects as diverse as ethnicity, welfare policy,

secrecy as a form of regulation, and international law. His

books and essays and op-eds were always erudite and dis-

played a wit and wisdom and grace few people have. His

books were well received whenever they were produced.

I doubt anyone else ever entered the U.S. Senate with a

greater breadth of experience or knowledge. P

OYNIHAN

was made for the Senate, and the Senate was made for men

like P

OYNIHAN

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[ 19 ]

was not only a great intellectual; he was a man of

principles, deeply held and eloquently expressed. And yet he

had that remarkable ability of being able to disagree without

being disagreeable. There isn’t a single Member of the Sen-

ate who served with him who didn’t also love and revere

him.

We are poorer for Pat’s passing, but rather than dwell on

that, I would like to express my gratitude that someone with

such inestimable talents and energies devoted them to public

service. We are definitely richer for that.

We send our sympathy to Liz Moynihan, and to the chil-

dren, Timothy and Maura and John, and to the grand-

children, Michael Patrick and Zora.

We live in tumultuous and dangerous times. No one under-

stood that better than P

OYNIHAN

, and we would benefit

from his counsel. I will include for the Record a commence-

ment address that P

delivered at Harvard University

about world events and foreign policy, and I commend it to

my colleagues.

On a more personal note, my legislative director, Gray

Maxwell, was Pat’s legislative director from 1995 to 2000.

When P

retired, Gray wrote a tribute that was printed in

Long Island Newsday. I will also ask that the tribute be

printed in the Record.

In closing, I note that one of Pat’s great abiding passions

was public works—not just in New York but here in Wash-

ington. He authored much of the Intermodal Surface Trans-

portation Efficiency Act, ISTEA, he fought for Amtrak and

mass transit, he wrote the guiding principles for Federal ar-

chitecture, he shepherded the Union Station redevelopment

and the Thurgood Marshall and Ronald Reagan buildings to

completion, and he almost singlehandedly transformed Penn-

sylvania Avenue. I think what was written in St. Paul’s Ca-

thedral in London for Sir Christopher Wren would serve as

an equally fitting tribute to P

OYNIHAN

: Si monumentum

requiris circumspice [If you would see the man’s monument,

look about you.].

I ask unanimous consent that his commencement address

delivered at Harvard University on June 6, 2002, to which

I referred, and an article written by a person on my staff,

Gray Maxwell, who was on the M

OYNIHAN

staff before that,

that demonstrates beautifully the character and capability

OYNIHAN

brought to his job and to all of us, be printed

in the Record.

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[ 20 ]

There being no objection, the material was ordered to be

printed in the Record, as follows:

OMMENCEMENT

DDRESS

UNE

6, 2002

(by D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

)

A while back it came as something of a start to find in the New Yorker

a reference to an article I had written, and I quote, ‘‘In the middle of the

last century.’’ Yet persons my age have been thinking back to those times

and how, in the end, things turned out so well and so badly. Millions of us

returned from the assorted services to find the economic growth that had

come with the Second World War had not ended with the peace. The De-

pression had not resumed. It is not perhaps remembered, but it was widely

thought it would.

It would be difficult indeed to summon up the optimism that came with

this great surprise. My beloved colleague Nathan Glazer and the revered

David Riesman wrote that America was ‘‘the land of the second chance’’ and

so indeed it seemed. We had surmounted the Depression; the war. We could

realistically think of a world of stability, peace—above all, a world of law.

Looking back, it is clear we were not nearly so fortunate. Great leaders

preserved—and in measure extended—democracy. But totalitarianism had

not been defeated. To the contrary, by 1948 totalitarians controlled most of

Eurasia. As we now learn, 11 days after Nagasaki the Soviets established

a special committee to create an equivalent weapon. The first atomic bomb

was acquired through espionage, but their hydrogen bomb was their own

doing. Now the cold war was on.

From the summer of 1914, the world had been at war, with interludes no

more. It finally seemed to end with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the

changes in China. But now . . .

But now we have to ask if it is once again the summer of 1914.

Small acts of terror in the Middle East, in South Asia, could lead to cata-

clysm, as they did in Sarajevo. And for which great powers, mindful or not,

have been preparing.

The eras are overlapping.

As the United States reacts to the mass murder of 9/11 and prepares for

more, it would do well to consider how much terror India endured in the

second half of the last century. And its response. It happens I was our man

in New Delhi in 1974 when India detonated its first nuclear device. I was

sent in to see Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with a statement as much as

anything of regret. For there was nothing to be done; it was going to hap-

pen. The second most populous nation on Earth was not going to leave itself

disarmed and disregarded, as non-nuclear powers appeared to be. But leav-

ing, I asked to speak as a friend of India and not as an official. In 20 years

time, I opined, there would be a Moghul general in command in Islamabad,

and he would have nuclear weapons and would demand Kashmir back, per-

haps the Punjab.

The Prime Minister said nothing, I dare to think she half agreed. In time,

she would be murdered in her own garden; next, her son and successor was

murdered by a suicide bomber. This happened while nuclear weapons accu-

mulated which are now poised.

Standing at Trinity Site at Los Alamos, J. Robert Oppenheimer pondered

an ancient Sanskrit text in which Lord Shiva declares, ‘‘I am become Death,

the shatterer of worlds.’’ Was he right?

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[ 21 ]

At the very least we can come to terms with the limits of our capacity

to foresee events.

It happens I had been a Senate observer to the START negotiations in

Geneva, and was on the Foreign Relations Committee when the treaty, hav-

ing been signed, was sent to us for ratification. In a moment of mischief I

remarked to our superb negotiators that we had sent them to Geneva to ne-

gotiate a treaty with the Soviet Union, but the document before us was a

treaty with four countries, only two of which I could confidently locate on

a map. I was told they had exchanged letters in Lisbon [the Lisbon Protocol,

May 23, 1992]. I said that sounded like a Humphrey Bogart movie.

The hard fact is that American intelligence had not the least anticipated

the implosion of the Soviet Union. I cite Stansfield Turner, former director

of the CIA in Foreign Affairs, 1991. ‘‘We should not gloss over the enormity

of this failure to forecast the magnitude of the Soviet crisis. . . . The cor-

porate view missed by a mile.’’

Russia now faces a near-permanent crisis. By mid-century its population

could well decline to as few as 80 million persons. Immigrants will press in;

one dares not think what will have happened to the nuclear materials scat-

tered across 11 time zones.

Admiral Turner’s 1991 article was entitled ‘‘Intelligence for a New World

Order.’’ Two years later Samuel Huntington outlined what that new world

order—or disorder—would be in an article in the same journal entitled ‘‘The

Clash of Civilizations.’’ His subsequent book of that title is a defining text

of our time.

Huntington perceives a world of seven or eight major conflicting cultures,

the West, Russia, China, India, and Islam. Add Japan, South America, Afri-

ca. Most incorporate a major nation-state which typically leads its fellows.

The cold war on balance suppressed conflict. But the end of the cold war

has brought not universal peace but widespread violence. Some of this has

been merely residual proxy conflicts dating back to the earlier era. Some

plain ethnic conflict. But the new horrors occur on the fault lines, as Hun-

tington has it, between the different cultures.

For argument’s sake one could propose that Marxism was the last nearly

successful effort to westernize the rest of the world. In 1975, I stood in

Tiananmen Square, the center of the Middle Kingdom. In an otherwise

empty space, there were two towering masts. At the top of one were giant

portraits of two hirsute 19th century German gentlemen, Messrs. Marx and

Engels. The other displayed a somewhat Mongol-looking Stalin and Mao.

That wasn’t going to last, and of course, it didn’t.

Hence Huntington: ‘‘The central problem in the relations between the

West and the rest is . . . the discordance between the West’s—particularly

America’s—efforts to promote universal Western culture and its declining

ability to do so.’’

Again there seems to be no end of ethnic conflict within civilizations. But

it is to the clash of civilizations we must look with a measure of dread. The

Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists recently noted that ‘‘The crisis between

India and Pakistan, touched off by a December 13 terrorist attack on the

Indian Parliament marks the closest two states have come to nuclear war

since the Cuban Missile Crisis.’’ By 1991, the minute hand on their dooms-

day clock had dropped back to 17 minutes to midnight. It has since been

moved forward three times and is again 7 minutes to midnight, just where

it started in 1947.

The terrorist attacks on the United States of last September 11 were not

nuclear, but they will be. Again to cite Huntington, ‘‘At some point . . . a few

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[ 22 ]

terrorists will be able to produce massive violence and massive destruction.

Separately, terrorism and nuclear weapons are the weapons of the non-

Western weak. If and when they are combined, the non-Western weak will

be strong.’’

This was written in 1996. The first mass murder by terrorists came last

September. Just last month the Vice President informed Tim Russert that

‘‘the prospects of a future attack . . . are almost certain. Not a matter of if,

but when.’’ Secretary Rumsfeld has added that the attack will be nuclear.

We are indeed at war and we must act accordingly, with equal measures

of audacity and precaution.

As regards precaution, note how readily the clash of civilizations could

spread to our own homeland. The Bureau of the Census lists some 68 sepa-

rate ancestries in the American population. (Military gravestones provide

for emblems of 36 religions.) All the major civilizations. Not since 1910 have

we had so high a proportion of immigrants. As of 2000, one in five school-

age children have at least one foreign-born parent.

This, as ever, has had bounteous rewards. The problem comes when immi-

grants and their descendants bring with them—and even intensify—the

clashes they left behind. Nothing new, but newly ominous. Last month in

Washington an enormous march filled Pennsylvania Avenue on the way to

the Capitol grounds. The marchers, in the main, were there to support the

Palestinian cause. Fair enough. But every 5 feet or so there would be a sign

proclaiming ‘‘Zionism equals racism’’ or a placard with a swastika alongside

a star of David. Which is anything but fair, which is poisonous and has no

place in our discourse.

This hateful equation first appeared in a two-part series in Pravda in

Moscow in 1971. Part of cold war ‘‘agit prop.’’ It has since spread into a mur-

derous attack on the right of the State of Israel to exist—the right of Jews

to exist!—a world in which a hateful Soviet lie has mutated into a new and

vicious anti-Semitism. Again, that is the world we live in, but it is all the

more chilling when it fills Pennsylvania Avenue.

It is a testament to our First Amendment freedoms that we permit such

displays, however obnoxious to our fundamental ideals. But in the wake of

9/11, we confront the fear that such heinous speech can be a precursor to

violence, not least here at home, that threatens our existence.

To be sure, we must do what is necessary to meet the threat. We need

to better understand what the dangers are. We need to explore how better

to organize the agencies of government to detect and prevent calamitous ac-

tion.

But at the same time, we need take care that whatever we do is consist-

ent with our basic constitutional design. What we do must be commensurate

with the threat in ways that do not needlessly undermine the very liberties

we seek to protect.

The concern is suspicion and fear within. Does the Park Service really

need to photograph every visitor to the Lincoln Memorial?

They don’t, but they will. It is already done at the Statue of Liberty. In

Washington, agencies compete in techniques of intrusion and exclusion.

Identity cards and x-ray machines and all the clutter, plus a new life for

secrecy. Some necessary; some discouraging. Mary Graham warns of the

stultifying effects of secrecy on inquiry. Secrecy, as George Will writes, ‘‘ren-

ders societies susceptible to epidemics of suspicion.’’

We are witnessing such an outbreak in Washington just now. Great clam-

or as to what the different agencies knew in advance of the 9/11 attack;

when the President was briefed; what was he told. These are legitimate

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[ 23 ]

questions, but there is a prior issue, which is the disposition of closed sys-

tems not to share information. By the late 1940s the Army Signal Corps had

decoded enough KGB traffic to have a firm grip on the Soviet espionage in

the United States and their American agents. No one needed to know about

this more than the President of the United States. But Truman was not

told. By order, mind, of Omar Bradley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of

Staff. Now, as then, there is police work to be done. But so many forms of

secrecy are self-defeating. In 1988, the CIA formally estimated the gross do-

mestic product of East Germany to be higher than West Germany. We

should calculate such risks.

The ‘‘what-ifs’’ are intriguing. What if the United States had recognized

Soviet weakness earlier and, accordingly, kept its own budget in order, so

that upon the breakup of the Soviet Union a momentous economic aid pro-

gram could have been commenced? What if we had better calculated the

forces of the future so that we could have avoided going directly from the

‘‘end’’ of the cold war to a new Balkan war—a classic clash of civilizations—

leaving little attention and far fewer resources for the shattered Soviet em-

pire?

Because we have that second chance Riesman and Glazer wrote about. A

chance to define our principles and stay true to them. The more then, to

keep our system open as much as possible, with our purposes plain and ac-

cessible, so long as we continue to understand what the 20th century has

surely taught, which is that open societies have enemies, too. Indeed, they

are the greatest threat to closed societies, and, accordingly, the first object

of their enmity.

We are committed, as the Constitution states, to ‘‘the Law of Nations,’’ but

that law as properly understood. Many have come to think that inter-

national law prohibits the use of force. To the contrary, like domestic law,

it legitimates the use of force to uphold law in a manner that is itself pro-

portional and lawful.

Democracy may not prove to be a universal norm. But decency would do.

Our present conflict, as the President says over and again, is not with

Islam, but with a malignant growth within Islam defying the teaching of the

Q’uran that the struggle to the path of God forbids the deliberate killing of

non-combatants. Just how and when Islam will rid itself of current heresies

is something no one can say. But not soon. Christianity has been through

such heresy—and more than once. Other clashes will follow.

Certainly we must not let ourselves be seen as rushing about the world

looking for arguments. There are now American Armed Forces in some 40

countries overseas. Some would say too many. Nor should we let ourselves

be seen as ignoring allies, disillusioning friends, thinking only of ourselves

in the most narrow terms. That is not how we survived the 20th century.

Nor will it serve in the 21st.

Last February, some 60 academics of the widest range of political persua-

sion and religious belief, a number from here at Harvard, including Hun-

tington, published a manifesto: ‘‘What We’re Fighting For: A Letter from

America.’’

It has attracted some attention here; perhaps more abroad, which was our

purpose. Our references are wide, Socrates, St. Augustine, Franciscus de

Victoria, John Paul II, Martin Luther King, Jr., Alexander Solzhenitsyn, the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We affirmed ‘‘five fundamental truths that pertain to all people without

distinction,’’ beginning ‘‘all human beings are born free and equal in dignity

and rights.’’

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[ 24 ]

We allow for our own shortcomings as a nation, sins, arrogance, failings.

But we assert we are no less bound by moral obligation. And, finally, reason

and careful moral reflection teach us that there are times when the first and

most important reply to evil is to stop it.

But there is more. Forty-seven years ago, on this occasion, General George

C. Marshall summoned our Nation to restore the countries whose mad re-

gimes had brought the world such horror. It was an act of statesmanship

and vision without equal in history. History summons us once more in dif-

ferent ways, but with even greater urgency. Civilization need not die. At

this moment, only the United States can save it. As we fight the war

against evil, we must also wage peace, guided by the lesson of the Marshall

Plan—vision and generosity can help make the world a safer place.

Thank you.

ENERIS

(by Gray Maxwell)

As the final summer of Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

’s public ca-

reer comes to an end, I think back to one languid Friday afternoon three

summers ago. Not much was happening; the Senate was in recess. So Sen-

ator M

OYNIHAN

—my boss at the time—and I went to see an exhibit of Tyn-

dale Bibles at the Library of Congress. Tyndale wrote the first English Bible

from extant Greek and Hebrew manuscripts. Senator M

OYNIHAN

was eager

to learn more about a man whose impact on the English language, largely

unacknowledged, is probably equal to Shakespeare’s.

One might wonder what Tyndale has to do with the U.S. Senate. Not

much, I suppose. But like Tennyson’s Ulysses, Senator M

OYNIHAN

is a ‘‘gray

spirit yearning in desire to follow knowledge like a sinking star.’’ He has

unbounded curiosity. I’m not one who thinks his intellectualism is some sort

of an indictment. Those who do are jealous of his capabilities, or just vapid.

In a diminished era when far too many Senators know far too little, I have

been fortunate to work for one who knows so much and yet strives to learn

so much more.

There is little I can add to what others have written or will write about

his career in these waning moments. But I would make a few observations.

On a parochial note, I know of no other Senator who shares his remarkable

facility for understanding and manipulating formulas—that arcane bit of

legislating that drives the allocation of billions of dollars. He has ‘‘delivered’’

for New York but it’s not frequently noted because so few understand it.

More important, every time he speaks or writes, it’s worth paying atten-

tion. I think back to the summer of 1990, when Senator Phil Gramm offered

an amendment to a housing bill. Gramm wanted to rob Community Devel-

opment Block Grant (CDBG) funds from a few ‘‘rustbelt’’ States and sprinkle

them across the rest of the country. The amendment looked like a sure win-

ner: more than 30 States stood to benefit. Senator M

OYNIHAN

went to the

floor in opposition. He delivered an extemporaneous speech on the nature

of our Federal system worthy of inclusion in the seminal work of Hamilton,

Madison, and Jay as The Federalist No. 86. (The amendment was defeated:

New York’s share of CDBG funding was preserved.)

While Senator M

OYNIHAN

has been enormously successful as a legislator,

I think of him as the patron Senator of lost causes. By ‘‘lost’’ I mean right

but unpopular. Every Senator is an advocate of the middle class; that’s

where the votes are. What I most admire and cherish about Senator M

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[ 25 ]

NIHAN

is his long, hard, and eloquent fight on behalf of the underclass—the

disenfranchised, the demoralized, the destitute, the despised.

T.S. Eliot wrote to a friend, ‘‘We fight for lost causes because we know

that our defeat and dismay may be the preface to our successors’ victory,

though that victory itself will be temporary; we fight rather to keep some-

thing alive than in the expectation that anything will triumph.’’ This wistful

statement, to me, captures the essence of Senator M

OYNIHAN

and his career.

Too many of today’s tepid, timid legislators are afraid to offer amendments

they think will fail. They have no heart, no courage. Senator M

OYNIHAN

al-

ways stands on principle, never on expediency. He’s not afraid to be in the

minority, even a minority of one.

His statements over the years on a variety of topics constitute a veritable

treasury of ‘‘unpopular essays.’’ He characterizes the current bankruptcy

‘‘reform’’ bill as a ‘‘boot across the throat’’ of the poor. A few years ago, he

fought against a habeas corpus provision in the Antiterrorism and Effective

Death Penalty Act (a truly Orwellian name for that bill). He argued, in vain,

that Congress was enacting a statute ‘‘which holds that constitutional pro-

tections do not exist unless they have been unreasonably violated, an idea

that would have confounded the framers . . . thus introducing a virus that

will surely spread throughout our system of laws.’’ These are just a few ex-

amples. Others include his passionate opposition to welfare repeal, the bal-

anced budget act, the line-item veto, the Constitutional amendment to ban

flag desecration. The list goes on.

For the past quarter-century, Senator M

OYNIHAN

has been the Senate’s

reigning intellectual. But he has also been its—and the Nation’s—con-

science. His fealty as a public servant, ultimately, has been to the truth. He

seeks it out, and he speaks it, regardless of who will be discomfitted. He has

done so with rigor, wit, a little bit of mischief now and then, and uncommon

decency.

When Thomas Jefferson followed Benjamin Franklin as envoy to France,

he told the Comte de Vergennes, ‘‘I succeed him; no one could replace him.’’

Others will succeed Senator M

OYNIHAN

; no one will replace him. We are for-

tunate indeed that he has devoted his life to public service.

Mr. LAUTENBERG. I yield the floor.

Mr. REID. Mr. President, when I first came to the Senate,

I had the good fortune, as my friend the distinguished Sen-

ator from Montana did, to serve on a committee with P

OYNIHAN

. My friend had it double; he not only got to serve

with him on the Environment and Public Works Committee

but also the Finance Committee.

Even though this is a time of sadness because we have lost

a giant in the history of America, for those of us who spent

time with P

OYNIHAN

, just mentioning his name brings

a smile to our faces. There is no one I have ever served with

in government or known in government who is anything like

OYNIHAN

. He was a unique individual.

I was over in the House gym this morning, meeting with

someone I came to the House of Representatives with, Ed

Towns, from New York. We were talking about P

NIHAN

. Congressman Towns said the last conversation he

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[ 26 ]

had with P

OYNIHAN

was a very pleasant conversation.

OYNIHAN

called him—very typical of P

OYNIHAN

I wish I could mimic his voice. People who worked for P

OYNIHAN

can talk just like him. I can’t. But he said—with

his distinctive staccato delivery—he wanted to name this big

building in Brooklyn for Governor Carey.

Congressman Towns said, ‘‘No, I have someone else.’’ I

don’t need to embarrass that person by mentioning that

name. He said, ‘‘I have someone else and I can’t agree with

you, Senator. I know Governor Carey was a good person, but

I think we should name it after someone else.’’

Senator M

OYNIHAN

, the gentleman that he was, simply

said, ‘‘Thank you very much.’’

Five or six weeks later he called back and said, ‘‘You

know, Congressman Towns, I am getting old.’’ He said, ‘‘This

means a lot to me to have this building named after one of

my close personal friends. I hope you will reconsider.’’

Ed Towns said, ‘‘I have reconsidered. You can do it.’’

Senator M

OYNIHAN

said, ‘‘Did I hear you just say I could

name this building after Governor Carey?’’

And Congressman Towns said, ‘‘Yes.’’

OYNIHAN

said, ‘‘I am so happy.’’

Senator Baucus and I can imagine that conversation be-

cause he was truly a gentleman.

I had the privilege, as I indicated, of serving with him. I

had the good fortune over many years to serve with many

outstanding people in the Senate, men and women with ex-

traordinary talent and achievements, people who have ac-

complished so much in their personal and professional lives,

people highly educated, people who have great records of

military service, and people who are just good public serv-

ants.

Certainly there have been many skilled orators in the Sen-

ate—today and in the past—and many other highly intel-

ligent Senators, but I have to say, I trust nobody will dis-

agree or be offended if I point out that P

OYNIHAN

stood

out as an intellectual giant in the Senate, not only for the

time he served here but in the history of our country.

OYNIHAN

spoke in a unique style, with a delivery

that would not be taught in an oratory class.

He was a professor. He was a college professor, and he

never lost that ability to teach.

I always felt, when I was in the presence of P

NIHAN

, that I had the opportunity to learn from him, wheth-

er we were on the Senate floor, or in a committee hearing,

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[ 27 ]

or in an informal conversation. I hope no one is going to be

upset with me, but when I ran the Democratic Policy Com-

mittee for a number of years, we would take down names of

speakers. I cheated a little bit and always moved P

high

up on the list because I loved to hear him talk, and he did

not have a lot of patience and would leave if you did not rec-

ognize him pretty quickly.

He would come to our luncheons, and I remember he usu-

ally ordered egg salad sandwiches. He would eat, listen for

a while, and if it were not something he was really inter-

ested in, he would go back to his hideaway and start writing.

That is what he did most of the time.

was unlike most of us. We devote a lot of our time to

constituent services. P

OYNIHAN

did not do that. He was

an intellectual giant, and he spent his time in the Senate

reading and writing. He was a great thinker. Although he

certainly did a good job of representing the State of New

York, and served the interests of his constituents as his pop-

ularity makes clear, he often focused on the bigger picture

and contemplated big ideas.

We identify P

OYNIHAN

with New York. He was actu-

ally a native of the American West. He was born in Tulsa,

OK. His family moved to New York when he was a child. His

father abandoned them, and his mother, thereafter, strug-

gled to provide for P

and his siblings.

always worked hard. He worked as a shoeshine boy,

later as a longshoreman. He did not come from a privileged

background, but he had a privileged education because of his

great intellect. He was able to achieve much because he was

a hard worker and extremely smart.

He graduated first in his class from high school in Harlem,

and by serving in the Navy, he was able to attend college.

He graduated from Tufts University and remained there to

earn his Ph.D. from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplo-

macy. He also studied at the London School of Economics as

a Fulbright scholar.

had enlisted in the Navy during World War II. Just

a short time ago, when he was still serving in the Senate,

he had back surgery for an injury sustained years ago while

he was in the U.S. Navy. He was proud of his military serv-

ice and grateful that he was sent to college for training as

an officer. But he was, indeed, a scholar. He was a professor

at Syracuse University early in his career and then later at

Harvard. He published numerous articles and studies cover-

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[ 28 ]

ing a wide array of topics that reflected the tremendous

breadth of his interests and depth of his knowledge.

I am not sure which Senator said this, although I think it

was Dale Bumpers, who also recently has published a book—

but if it was not Dale Bumpers, I apologize for not giving

credit to the right Senator—who said he had not read as

many books as P

OYNIHAN

had written. That is how he

looked at P

OYNIHAN

. He was a voracious writer. He

wrote 18 books, including 9 while he was a Senator. In addi-

tion, he wrote parts of many other books and articles too nu-

merous to mention.

After one of his books was published, while we were here

in the Senate, he asked me if I had read it. I said, ‘‘Pat, I

didn’t receive the book.’’ He said, ‘‘Well, maybe somebody on

your staff borrowed it.’’ So he gave me another copy, and I

read it.

Much of his writing is famous. For me personally the most

far-reaching, the most visionary article he wrote was called

‘‘Defining Deviancy Down.’’ In this brief article—probably no

more than 30 pages—he discussed how our societal values

have changed over the years, how one thing we would not ac-

cept 20 years ago, now we accept. It is a wonderful article

that reveals his perspective and insights and calls on us to

recognize we have to change what is going on in our society.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

had great compassion for America’s

poor, especially for children growing up in poverty. He

sought to develop public policy that took into account social

scientific methods and analysis. He applied academic re-

search to benefit people living in the real world.

was also interested in architecture and historic preser-

vation. He worked to improve the appearance of Washington,

DC, to reflect its status as our Nation’s Capital, and of Fed-

eral buildings across the country. Those of us who leave the

Capitol and travel along Pennsylvania Avenue, and see the

beautiful buildings will remember his role in improving this

area. When I was back here going to law school, that area

of the city was a slum. Right off Capitol Hill, it was a slum.

And P

OYNIHAN

recognized, when President Kennedy

was inaugurated, that should change. And he changed it. He

personally changed it.

Pennsylvania Avenue Development Corporation was some-

thing that P

OYNIHAN

thought up. When you drive down

that street today, you see the beautiful building that we are

proud of. That was the work of P

OYNIHAN

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[ 29 ]

I can remember, there was one Senator who thought it

was really bad that the courthouses we were building around

the country were basically too nice. P

OYNIHAN

pro-

ceeded to indicate to all of us that is what we should do, that

we should construct buildings for the future that people

would like to look at and that are nice inside. And P

NIHAN

won that battle.

To serve on the Public Works Committee with P

NIHAN

was like going to school and not having to take the

tests because there was not a subject that came up that he

did not lecture us on—the great architect Moses, not out of

the Bible but of New York City. In everything we did P

OYNIHAN

taught us to be a little better than ourselves.

My thoughts and sympathies are with Senator M

NIHAN

’s wife Liz, his daughter Maura, his sons Timothy and

John, and his grandchildren.

Mr. President, I wish words could convey to everyone with-

in the sound of my voice what a great man P

OYNIHAN

was, how much he did to benefit the State of New York and

our country. Because of my contact with P

OYNIHAN

, I

honestly believe I am a better person. I better understand

government. I do not have his intellect, his ability to write,

but I think I understand a little bit about his enthusiasm for

government and how important it is to people.

Mr. INHOFE. Mr. President, I have been listening to the

tributes to a great man. I probably have a different feeling

about P

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

than most people do. Many people

are not aware P

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

came from Tulsa, OK, my

hometown. Most people think of him as being a New Yorker,

but really he is not. We hit it off many years ago before he

was even in the Senate. I considered him one of the really

sincere and lovable liberals of our time.

People would ask, why are the two of you such close

friends? I would explain to them that we have many things

in common, even though ideologically we have nothing in

common. In fact, during the years we served together in the

Senate, his office was next to mine. When the bell would ring

to come over and vote, I would walk to the door and wait for

him so I could have those moments with him.

I don’t think there is anyone who has had a more colorful

career than P

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

. It is one we will remember

for a long time. But he had courage also. I used to say this

about Paul Wellstone. There are few people who are really

sincere in their philosophy, and yet they want to do the right

thing. I remember standing right here when P

ATRICK

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[ 30 ]

NIHAN

, just a few seats over, stood up during one of our de-

bates on partial-birth abortion, and he made this statement

in a long and passionate speech, going into all kinds of detail

as to what this barbaric procedure is. This is a quote. He

said, ‘‘I am pro-choice, but partial-birth abortion is not abor-

tion. It is infanticide.’’

It took an awful lot of courage for him to say that.

I can tell you from when we knew each other back before

our Senate days, following his colorful career has been a

wonderful experience. I am hoping we will have others like

him. We will be truly blessed if that is the case.

I yield the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana is

recognized.

Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, I join my colleagues in pay-

ing tribute to Senator M

OYNIHAN

. He was one of the most

special, most erudite, forward-thinking persons I have had

the privilege to meet. He was an amazing man.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

died yesterday at the age of 76. A little

bit of history is in order—and then I will give a few personal

anecdotes—he was elected to the Senate in 1976. I was elect-

ed in 1978, 2 years later. I had the privilege and honor to

join both the Environment and Public Works Committee and

the Finance Committee at the same time as Senator M

NIHAN

. Senator M

OYNIHAN

served as both chairman and

ranking member of both committees. I had huge shoes to fill,

as I immediately followed him as chairman and ranking

member of each committee. I sat next to him many days and

many hours. He was a wonderful man.

We all know about Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s great contribu-

tions in such important areas as foreign policy, trade policy,

welfare, transportation, and environmental policy. They are

enormous.

On the foreign side, Senator M

OYNIHAN

was a visionary. In

1979, while the CIA and others were talking about how

strong the Soviet Union was, Senator M

OYNIHAN

predicted

its downfall. I heard him say that many times. With keen

understanding of history and the laws of economics, Senator

OYNIHAN

understood the inherent weakness of the Soviet

structure.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s foreign policy experience led him to

his groundbreaking work on government secrecy, advocating

greater openness as a core strength for any democracy.

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[ 31 ]

On trade policy, Senator M

OYNIHAN

had a vast depth of

experience from being a trade negotiator to being a legisla-

tor. As a legislator, he was quick to educate his colleagues

on the importance of pursuing a strong, bipartisan, open

trade policy. With an unfailing independent voice, he was a

firm believer in the principle that partisanship should not

extend beyond our borders.

On welfare policy, Senator M

OYNIHAN

was the center of de-

bate for more than three decades. From his groundbreaking

report on family policy for President Johnson, to his work for

President Nixon on his welfare proposal, to his own Family

Support Act of 1988, the first welfare reform legislation

passed in decades, to his passionate dissent to the 1996 wel-

fare legislation, Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

never

forgot what it was like to grow up in a poor family. For him

it was clearly always about helping the children.

On transportation policy, Senator M

OYNIHAN

was the au-

thor of the groundbreaking highway bill known as ISTEA.

That legislation led to the dramatic improvement in trans-

portation policy by focusing on surface transportation more

broadly.

On environmental policy, Senator M

OYNIHAN

was one of

the first to stress that good environmental policy should be

based on sound science. I heard that many times—sound

science. He was right. He absolutely insisted that we obtain

a careful understanding of the problems on a scientific basis

before we proceeded with environmental policy.

But his incredible contributions to our Nation did not stop

there. One of his most enduring, but least known, contribu-

tions was his contribution to public architecture, particularly

on the Environment and Public Works Committee.

Thomas Jefferson said: ‘‘Design activity and political

thought are indivisible.’’

In keeping with this, Senator M

OYNIHAN

sought to im-

prove our public places so they could reflect and uplift our

civic culture. He himself said it well in 1961. We all know

he held many important positions in government, but it is

not known so well that early in his career, in 1961, he was

the staff director of something called the Ad Hoc Committee

on Federal Office Space. That is right, in addition to all of

his books, he once wrote a document called ‘‘The Guiding

Principles for Federal Architecture.’’ He wrote it in 1961, and

it remains in effect today. It is 1 page long. It says that pub-

lic buildings should not only be efficient and economical, but

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[ 32 ]

also should ‘‘provide visual testimony to the dignity, enter-

prise, vigor, and stability of the American Government.’’

For many years, P

OYNIHAN

worked with energy and

vision to put the goals expressed in the guidelines into prac-

tice. As an assistant to President Kennedy, he was one of the

driving forces behind the effort to renovate Pennsylvania Av-

enue and finally achieve Pierre L’Enfant’s vision.

He followed through. There is the Navy memorial, Per-

shing Park, the Ronald Reagan Building, the Ariel Rios

Building, and there are other projects. Along with Senator

John Chafee, he had the vision to restore Union Station—

now a magnificent building—and then to complement it with

the beautiful Thurgood Marshall Judiciary Building not far

away.

It is a remarkable legacy leaving a lasting mark on our

public places that brings us together as American citizens. In

fact, it is no exaggeration to say that D

ANIEL

ATRICK

NIHAN

has had a greater positive impact on American public

architecture than any statesman since Thomas Jefferson.

In St. Paul’s Cathedral in London, there is a description

memorializing the architect of that cathedral, Sir Chris-

topher Wren, and it reads: ‘‘If you would see his memorial,

look about you.’’

If years from now you stand outside the Capitol and look

west down Pennsylvania Avenue, north at Union Station,

and the Marshall Building, you can say the same about Sen-

ator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

; that is, if you would see his

memorial, look about you.

A few years ago when we were naming the Foley Square

Courthouse in his honor, I used the same quote. I must con-

fess, I was very pleased to have found this quote in English

history and hoped to impress my very learned colleague.

However, as is often the case, I fell a little short. No one, it

turns out, can match his learning.

After my remarks, Senator M

OYNIHAN

gave me a big hug.

He was so happy. But he also corrected me quietly and po-

litely. I had, he said, given the correct translation. I had said

it was in Italian. He said, ‘‘Max, I think it’s in Latin.’’ Sure

enough, it is in Latin.

In his honor, I stand corrected. The inscription memorializ-

ing the architect of St. Paul’s Cathedral, Sir Christopher

Wren, reads: ‘‘Si monumentum requiris circumspice’’; Latin

for: ‘‘If you want to see the memorial, look about you.’’

As we consider ways of memorializing Senator M

OYNIHAN

I have a suggestion. He loved Pennsylvania Avenue. He in-

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[ 33 ]

spired its renovation. He helped design it. He helped build

it. He lived there when he retired. It is his home. Therefore,

I suggest that at an appropriate point on the avenue, we add

this inscription: D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, Si monumen-

tum requiris circumspice.

I might also add, Senator M

OYNIHAN

gave the commence-

ment address this last June at Harvard University. I have

read it. I was very impressed with it. I said to him: P

ATRICK

that was a great speech. Do you mind if I put that in the

Congressional Record? He said, ‘‘I would love it.’’

About 2 months later, I received a letter from Senator

OYNIHAN

, and it said: ‘‘Dear Max, you once offered, perhaps

irrationally, to include my commencement address in the

Record.’’

Mr. President, I think it is appropriate that Senator Lau-

tenberg asked that Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s speech be printed in

the Record. It is the commencement address he gave last

June 6 at Harvard University. I commend it to my col-

leagues.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s speech includes many wise words

about the future of our country, about terrorism, how to han-

dle the world, which leads me to another memory of him. It

was at the end of a session, and we were about to go on a

2-week recess. Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s chair is behind me at the

end of the aisle by the door. I said, ‘‘P

ATRICK

, what are you

going to do this recess?’’

He said, ‘‘I am going to give the Oxford lecture.’’

I said, ‘‘What is that?’’ He explained it.

He said, ‘‘I am going to give the Oxford lecture. I am going

over to England.’’

‘‘What are you going to talk about? What are you going to

say?’’

‘‘I am going to talk about the rise of ethnicity.’’

‘‘What do you mean?’’

At the end of the cold war, he talked about the urdu, an

Israeli sect, which was very strong, which epitomizes the rise

of ethnicity in the world at the conclusion of the cold war.

It is so true, if one stops and thinks about it. The world

order has collapsed, and we are now almost in a free-for-all

when different ethnicities, different countries, different peo-

ple are pursuing their own dreams, and it is very difficult to

find some managed order in this chaotic world today.

That was Senator M

OYNIHAN

: The rise of ethnicity. It is

very true.

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[ 34 ]

Another time, I had a wonderful encounter with him, a

wonderful exchange. People often ask us: What is going to

happen, Senator? Who is going to win this election? What is

going to happen?

I always answered: Well, as Prime Minister Disraeli would

always say, in politics a week is a long time. That was before

television. That was before radio. Today, it is even a shorter

period of time to try to predict what is going to happen in

political matters. Sometimes it is just a minute.

I was standing in the well of the Senate and somebody

asked me, ‘‘What is going to happen?’’ And I said, ‘‘Well, Dis-

raeli said, ‘in politics a week is a long time.’ ’’

Senator M

OYNIHAN

happened to overhear me, and very

graciously and politely he walked up to me when the other

Senators had left. He kind of leaned over to me and he said,

‘‘Max, now I think that was Baldwin.’’

I looked it up. Sure enough, it was Lord Baldwin—it was

not Disraeli—who said, ‘‘in politics a week is a long time.’’

He was an absolutely amazing man, the Senator’s Senator,

a professor. I have never known a Senator so gifted as Sen-

ator M

OYNIHAN

. We are all going to certainly mourn his

passing, but even more important than that, we are going to

have very fond memories of him and I think be guided and

inspired by him in so many different ways. We are very

thankful he chose to serve our country as his calling.

I yield the floor.

Mr. BIDEN. Mr. President, P

OYNIHAN

was a close

personal friend. That sounds almost presumptuous to say.

He was such a towering intellect and profound political fig-

ure, to claim a personal friendship with him seems to be

somewhat presumptuous. But he was.

Of all that I recall P

OYNIHAN

said and did, there is

one thing that sticks in my mind that seems particularly ap-

propriate on the day after his passing.

He once said, and I am paraphrasing but it is close to a

quote, about John Kennedy’s death: There is no sense in

being Irish unless you understand the world is eventually

going to break your heart.

I want Mrs. Moynihan to understand that there are a lot

of us—Irish and non-Irish—who have a broken heart today

because of the passing of a man who was truly, truly a giant

in 20th century American politics.

Mr. LUGAR. I will take at least a minute to commend our

colleague, D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, simply because he

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[ 35 ]

was a person. In my own experience as a young person, as

mayor of Indianapolis I went with him to Brussels when he

was a counselor to President Nixon, representing this coun-

try in a group called the Challenges for a Modern Society.

We talked about the problems of urbanization in NATO

countries, the problems of the environment, the problems of

jobs for people. With D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

at my side,

I invited the mayors of all the countries of the world to come

to my city of Indianapolis in 1971, and he came.

He gave a great speech about international relations, what

NATO could do. He gave it at a time when he was on the

threshold, as it turned out, of going into diplomacy as our

Ambassador to India and then to the United Nations.

I remember visiting with him when he was our Ambas-

sador. It was a year in which both of us were considering

candidacies for the Senate, which, in fact, occurred in 1976,

successfully, for both of us. We came to this body together

and served for 24 years.

Throughout that period of time, his counsel, I am sure if

he were on the floor today speaking on some issue, would

have been to be inclusive, to be hardheaded, to understand

the facts, to understand the history, the traditions, the dif-

ficulties, sometimes the cynicism and the remorse, but also

the triumphs that can come with successful diplomacy and

successful international relations. Those were missions he

undertook gladly on behalf of our country and finally in serv-

ice with the Senate.

Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. President, I know there is a group of

us who wish to speak about Senator M

OYNIHAN

. I think that

would be the next order of business, and so I will proceed.

Let me say that yesterday all of us were caused great sor-

row when we heard the terrible news that Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, a giant among us, had passed from our

midst. While the sadness is still there, today I rise to pay

tribute to P

OYNIHAN

and to the extraordinary life that

he led.

It can rarely be said about someone that they changed the

world and made it a better place just with their ideas. Sen-

ator M

OYNIHAN

was such an individual. He was a font of

ideas. He was not afraid to utter them and he uttered them

in such a way that people listened, paid attention, and

changed the way they lived for the better.

OYNIHAN

was a friend to me, a mentor. I first met

him when I attended his course at Harvard while I was a

student and he was a professor. Throughout the many years,

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[ 36 ]

he extended me so many kindnesses I can’t even count them.

But beyond the personal—and every one of us has our per-

sonal stories about Pat—is what he did for all of us. He was

known in the Senate as a unique individual, as a person of

ideas in a body that, frankly, has always needed more of

them. He was the kind of Senator who the Founding Fa-

thers, as they look down on this body, would look at and

smile and say, ‘‘That’s the kind of person we wanted to serve

in the Senate.’’

I think the Washington Post editorial said it very well

today. It said:

He pursued with distinction enough careers for half a dozen men of lesser

talents and imagination—politician, Presidential adviser, diplomat, author,

professor and public intellectual.

As someone who is barely managing to pursue only one of

those many careers, I can’t help but observe that, as you look

around, there are no more P

OYNIHAN

s in part because

of the man—P

OYNIHAN

’s vision, erudition, intellect, daz-

zling wit, and moral conviction were second to none—and in

part because of the times. P

OYNIHAN

was one of the pre-

eminent public intellectuals in a time when such figures and

their ideas could command the Nation’s attention in a way

that I fear is now all but gone from American life. I hope and

pray that is not true.

But we mourn his passing. We mourn the passing of his

time from the national stage and from this beloved institu-

tion that he loved and served so well for 24 years, the Sen-

ate.

In the coming days, many will pay tribute to P

NIHAN

’s leadership and vision on so many ideas where his

mark on policy and his mark on individuals are well known.

There are children born in this country and in foreign coun-

tries whose lives are better, who will live better lives because

OYNIHAN

lived and worked on this Earth.

His leadership in Social Security, in welfare reform, in

poverty, in tax policy, in trade, in education, in immigration,

in foreign policy, and most recently in government secrecy—

any one of those would have been enough to be a capstone

of an ordinary Senator’s career. But P

did them all.

As a fellow New Yorker, I am going to speak of P

NIHAN

as a builder. He was known as a thinker, but we for-

get he was also a builder, a builder of bricks and mortar,

somebody who taught us in New York and the country to

think grandly of public works once again. Those who knew

OYNIHAN

best say that is where his heart truly lay.

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[ 37 ]

The week after I won election for the Senate, P

NIHAN

called me into his office. He told me he would an-

nounce he wasn’t going to run again. He said, ‘‘I am going

to bequeath to you a gift. I am going to recommend that my

staffer Polly Trottenberg work for you.’’ Well I took his ad-

vice and hired her to be my legislative director and she has

been with me ever since. He did many nice things for me.

That was certainly one of them.

Because she worked so long and well for him, I asked Polly

today what P

OYNIHAN

had regarded as his greatest ac-

complishment and she said something that surprised me.

But when you think about it, it should not be surprising. It

was how he reclaimed Pennsylvania Avenue in this city and

made it big and grand and beautiful again and how he lived

out the rest of his days there with his wonderful wife Liz.

OYNIHAN

not only taught us to think grandly about

public works on the national scale, he also taught us to cher-

ish our cities, to make them lively and beautiful, and none

more so than his two beloved cities, New York and Washing-

ton.

His groundbreaking work on Federal transportation policy

remains without equal. P

OYNIHAN

is the father of

ISTEA, the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act

of 1991, the most important piece of transportation legisla-

tion since President Eisenhower’s Federal Highway Act of

1956.

OYNIHAN

, as a social scientist, urban planner, and

old-fashioned New York politician, helped change the course

of American transportation, weaning us from our highways-

only approach that had destroyed so many urban neighbors.

Instead, ISTEA encouraged so many communities to invest

in other modes, such as transit, rail, and even bipeds. I ride

a bike every Saturday around New York. It is another small

way I thank P

OYNIHAN

He provided citizens with far greater say in what types of

projects would be built in their communities. ISTEA was es-

pecially important to New York. It enabled the State to re-

store some of our most important but neglected public works,

such as the magnificent Brooklyn Bridge as well as dream

new dreams like I–86 across the southern tier, and the Sec-

ond Avenue subway.

His passion and dedication to public architecture is well

known and dates from his days as a young aide to President

Kennedy who, right before his death, tasked M

OYNIHAN

with

restoring Pennsylvania Avenue here in Washington. M

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[ 38 ]

NIHAN

succeeded brilliantly in his task, with the final piece

of Pennsylvania Avenue, the Ronald Reagan Building and

International Trade Center, unveiled a few years ago and in-

stantly hailed as one of the best new buildings to grace the

Capital.

Of course, Senator M

OYNIHAN

was also a leading force for

architecture in New York. He was responsible for building a

beautiful Federal courthouse at 500 Pearl Street in Lower

Manhattan, which we were proud to name after him. Com-

pleted in 1994, the D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

Federal

Courthouse embodies the same spirit as his previous archi-

tectural endeavors, an extraordinary work of art inside and

outside.

He was responsible for the restoration of the spectacular

Beaux-Arts Customs House at Bowling Green and for rec-

ognizing what a treasure we have in Governors Island.

He is beloved in Buffalo, at the other end of our State, for

reawakening the city’s appreciation for its architectural her-

itage, which includes Frank Lloyd Wright houses and the

Prudential Building, one of the best known early skyscrapers

by the architect Louis H. Sullivan, a building which Senator

OYNIHAN

helped restore and then chose as his Buffalo of-

fice.

OYNIHAN

has also spurred a powerful and passionate

popular movement, which is gaining strength as he leaves

us, in Buffalo to build a new signature Peace Bridge over the

Niagara River.

His last project—one that I regret he didn’t live to see

completed—was his beloved Pennsylvania Station. In 1963,

OYNIHAN

was one of a group of prescient New Yorkers

who protested the tragic razing of our city’s spectacular Penn

Station—a glorious public building designed by the Nation’s

premier architectural firm of the time, McKim, Mead &

White.

It was P

OYNIHAN

who recognized years ago that

across the street from what is now a sad basement terminal

that functions—barely—as New York City’s train station,

sits the James A. Farley Post Office Building, built by the

same architects in much the same grand design as the old

Penn Station. P

OYNIHAN

recognized that since the very

same railroad tracks that run under the current Penn Sta-

tion also run beneath the Farley Building, we could use the

Farley Building to once again create a train station worthy

of our grand city.

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[ 39 ]

He then did the impossible: He persuaded New York City,

New York State, the U.S. Postal Service, the U.S. Depart-

ment of Transportation, Amtrak, congressional appropri-

ators, and President Clinton himself, to commit to making

this project succeed. And I can tell you, I don’t think Presi-

dent Clinton even knew what hit him.

Herbert Muschamp, the noted New York Times architec-

ture critic, praised the new Penn Station design, which bril-

liantly fuses the classical elements of the Farley Building

with a dramatic, light-filled concourse, when he wrote:

In an era better known for the decrepitude of its infrastructure than for

inspiring new visions of the city’s future, the plan comes as proof that New

York can still undertake major public works. This is the most important

transportation project undertaken in New York City in several generations.

We have P

OYNIHAN

to thank for that and so many

other things.

The epitaph given to Sir Christopher Wren, designer of St.

Paul’s Cathedral in London, is an equally fitting epitaph for

Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

: ‘‘Si monumentum

requiris circumspice’’—‘‘If you would see this man’s monu-

ment, look around.’’

And not only look at the buildings, look at people, look at

highways, look at government projects and programs—all of

which P

OYNIHAN

had a tremendous effect on.

I join with every New Yorker and every American in

mourning P

OYNIHAN

’s passing but celebrating his ex-

traordinary life, his extraordinary career, celebrating the ex-

traordinary man himself.

I give my heartfelt condolences to his family—Liz and

Timothy and Maura and John and his grandchilden, Michael

Patrick and Zora—and count myself among the many others

who will miss him dearly.

Adam Clymer of the New York Times chronicled Pat’s ca-

reer and life movingly and brilliantly today. I ask unanimous

consent his piece be printed in the Record.

There being no objection, the material was ordered to be

printed in the Record, as follows:

[From the New York Times, March 27, 2003]

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

EAD

; S

ENATOR

ROM

CADEMIA

(by Adam Clymer)

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, the Harvard professor and four-term United

States senator from New York who brought a scholar’s eye for data to poli-

tics and a politician’s sense of the real world to academia, died yesterday

at Washington, D.C. He was 76.

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[ 40 ]

The cause, a spokesman for the family said, was complications of a rup-

tured appendix, which was removed on March 11 at the hospital, where he

remained.

Mr. M

OYNIHAN

was always more a man of ideas than of legislation or par-

tisan combat. Yet he was enough of a politician to win re-election easily—

and enough of a maverick with close Republican friends to be an occasional

irritant to his Democratic Party leaders. Before the Senate, his political

home from 1977 to 2001, he served two Democratic Presidents and two Re-

publicans, finishing his career in the executive branch as President Richard

M. Nixon’s ambassador to India and President Gerald R. Ford’s ambassador

to the United Nations.

For more than 40 years, in and out of government, he became known for

being among the first to identify new problems and propose novel, if not

easy, solutions, most famously in auto safety and mass transportation;

urban decay and the corrosive effects of racism; and the preservation and

development of architecturally distinctive Federal buildings.

He was a man known for the grand gesture as well as the bon mot, and

his style sometimes got more attention than his prescience, displayed nota-

bly in 1980 when he labeled the Soviet Union ‘‘in decline.’’ Among his last

great causes were strengthening Social Security and attacking government

secrecy.

In the halls of academe and the corridors of power, he was known for seiz-

ing ideas and connections before others noticed. In 1963, for example, he

was the co-author of ‘‘Beyond the Melting Pot,’’ which shattered the idea

that ethnic identities inevitably wear off in the United States. Then, on the

day that November when President Kennedy was shot in Dallas, he told

every official he could find that the Federal government must take custody

of Lee Harvey Oswald to keep him alive to learn about the killing. No one

listened.

Friends also observed the intense sense of history he connected to imme-

diate events. Bob Packwood, the former Republican senator from Oregon, re-

called his Democratic friend’s response in 1993 when a reporter on the

White House lawn asked what he thought of the signing of the Israeli-

Palestinian agreement to share the West Bank. ‘‘Well, I think it’s the end

of World War I,’’ he said, alluding to the mandates that proposed Middle

Eastern boundaries in 1920.

Erudite, opinionated and favoring, in season, tweed or seersucker, Mr.

OYNIHAN

conveyed an academic personality through a chirpy manner of

speech, with occasional pauses between syllables. More than most senators,

he could get colleagues to listen to his speeches, though not necessarily to

follow his recommendations. He had a knack for the striking phrase, but

unease at the controversy it often caused. When other senators used August

recesses to travel or raise money for re-election, he spent most of them in

an 1854 schoolhouse on his farm in Pindars Corners in Delaware County,

about 65 miles west of Albany. He was writing books, 9 as a senator, 18

in all.

Mr. M

OYNIHAN

was less an original researcher than a bold, often brilliant

synthesizer whose works compelled furious debate and further research. In

1965, his foremost work, ‘‘The Negro Family: The Case for National Action,’’

identified the breakup of black families as a major impediment to black ad-

vancement. Though savaged by many liberal academics at the time, it is

now generally regarded as ‘‘an important and prophetic document,’’ in the

words of Prof. William Julius Wilson of Harvard.

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[ 41 ]

Five years later, his memo to President Nixon on race relations caused

another uproar. Citing the raw feelings provoked by the battles of the civil

rights era, Mr. M

OYNIHAN

suggested a period of rhetorical calm—‘‘benign

neglect’’ he called it—a proposal widely misinterpreted as a call to abandon

Federal programs to improve the lives of black families.

Nonetheless, he could also be an effective legislator. In his first term he

teamed with Jacob K. Javits, his Republican colleague, to pass legislation

guaranteeing $2 billion worth of New York City obligations at a time when

the city faced bankruptcy. In a brief turn leading the Environment and Pub-

lic Works Committee in 1991 and 1992 he successfully pushed to shift high-

way financing toward mass transit—and get New York $5 billion in retro-

active reimbursement for building the New York State Thruway before the

Federal government began the Interstate Highway System.

Although Mr. M

OYNIHAN

’s junior colleague for 18 years, Alfonse M.

D’Amato, became known as Senator Pothole for his pork-barrel efforts of

New York, Mr. M

OYNIHAN

held his own in that department.

MONUMENT OF BRICKS AND MARBLE

Long before he came to the Senate, and until he left, he was building a

monument of bricks and marble by making Washington’s Pennsylvania Ave-

nue, a dingy street where he came to work for President John F. Kennedy

in 1961, into the grand avenue that George Washington foresaw for the bou-

levard that connects the Capitol and the White House. Nearly 40 years of

his effort filled the avenue with new buildings on its north side, including

the apartment houses where he lived, restored buildings on the south, and

cafes and a sense of life all along.

Wherever he went, Mr. M

OYNIHAN

explored interesting buildings and

worked to preserve architectural distinction, from converting the main post

office in Manhattan into the new Pennsylvania Station, to the Customs

House at Battery Park and all around Washington. Last year, over lunch

and a martini at Washington’s Hotel Monaco, an 1842 Robert Mills building

that was once the city’s main post office, he recalled how he had helped res-

cue it from decline into a shooting gallery for drugs.

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

was born in Tulsa, Okla., on March 16, 1927,

the son of an itinerant, hard-drinking newspaperman who moved the family

to New York later that year to take a job writing advertising copy. They

lived comfortably in the city and suburbs until 1937 when his father, John

Moynihan, left the family and left it in poverty.

Mr. M

OYNIHAN

’s childhood has been pseudo-glamorized by references to

an upbringing in Hell’s Kitchen, which in fact he encountered after his

mother bought a bar there when he was 20. But there was enough hardship

and instability in his early life so that when he later wrote of ‘‘social pathol-

ogy,’’ he knew what he was talking about.

Mr. M

OYNIHAN

’s mother, Margaret Moynihan, moved the family, including

a brother, Michael, and a sister, Ellen, into a succession of Manhattan

apartments, and P

shined shoes in Times Square. In 1943 he graduated

first in his class at Benjamin Franklin High School in East Harlem. He also

graduated to work as a stevedore at Piers 48 and 49 on West 11th Street.

He went to City College for a year, enlisted in the Navy, and was trained

as an officer at Middlebury College and at Tufts University. Discharged the

next spring, he went to work that summer tending bar for his mother, then

got his B.A. at Tufts in 1948 and an M.A. at the Fletcher School of Law

and Diplomacy at Tufts in 1949.

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[ 42 ]

In 1950 he went to the London School of Economics on a Fulbright schol-

arship, and he lived well on it, the G.I. bill and later a job at an Air Force

base. He started wearing a bowler hat. He had a tailor and a bootmaker

and traveled widely, including a visit to Moynihan cousins in County Kerry,

Ireland.

Work on his dissertation did not consume him. In ‘‘P

,’’ his 1979 biog-

raphy, Doug Schoen described a 1952 visit by two former Middlebury col-

leagues: ‘‘Impressed at first with his elaborate file cabinet full of index

cards, they found that most of the cards were recipes for drinks rather than

notes on the International Labor Organization.’’

Mr. M

OYNIHAN

came home in 1953 and went to work in the mayoral cam-

paign of Robert F. Wagner. He went on to write speeches for W. Averell

Harriman’s successful campaign for Governor in 1954, joined his adminis-

tration in Albany and rose to become his chief aide. It was there he learned

about traffic safety, which he described in a 1959 article in The Reporter as

a public health problem requiring Federal action to make automobile design

safer.

A SEMI

MODEST PROPOSAL

Another former campaign worker who came to Albany was Elizabeth

Brennan. Her desk and his were in the same room, and they grew friendly.

Rather suddenly in early 1955, when they had never dated, Mr. M

OYNIHAN

did not formally propose but simply told her he was going to marry her.

They married in May 1955, and she often said she married him because

he was the funniest man she ever met.

His wife survives him, as do their three children: Timothy, Maura and

John, and two grandchildren.

While he was an enthusiastic supporter of John F. Kennedy, work at Syr-

acuse University on a book about the Harriman administration and his

Ph.D. kept his role in the campaign sporadic. But Liz Brennan Moynihan

organized the campaign efforts in the Syracuse area.

His Ph.D. in international relations finally complete, he left Syracuse in

1961 for Washington and the Labor Department, rising to assistant sec-

retary. One early research assignment on office space for the scattered de-

partment gave him an opportunity to assert guiding architectural principles

that have endured and produced striking courthouses: that Federal build-

ings ‘‘must provide visual testimony to the dignity, enterprise, vigor and sta-

bility of the American government.’’ That same report enabled him to raise

the Pennsylvania Avenue issue, and he was at work on development plans

on Nov. 22, 1963, when the word came that the President had been shot

in Dallas.

Beyond his failed efforts to protect Mr. Oswald, Mr. M

OYNIHAN

marked

that grim assassination weekend with a widely remembered remark about

the death of the President he barely knew but idolized and eagerly followed.

On Sunday, Nov. 24, he said in a television interview: ‘‘I don’t think

there’s any point in being Irish if you don’t know that the world is going

to break your heart eventually. I guess we thought we had a little more

time.’’ He added softly, ‘‘So did he.’’

His first book, written jointly with Nathan Glazer, had come out earlier

that year. ‘‘Beyond the Melting Pot’’ looked at the different ethnic groups

of New York City and scoffed at ‘‘the notion that the intense and unprece-

dented mixture of ethnic and religious groups in American life was soon to

blend into a homogeneous end product.’’ Ethnicity persisted, they argued.

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[ 43 ]

That concept won praise from the era’s leading historian of immigration,

Harvard’s Oscar Handlin, who called it a ‘‘point of departure’’ in studies of

immigrants. But in a foretaste of academic criticism in years to come, he

said their methodology was sometimes ‘‘flimsy.’’

‘‘The Negro Family: The Case for National Action,’’ a paper he wrote at

the Labor Department early in 1965, argued that despite the Johnson

administrations’s success in passing civil rights laws, statutes could not en-

sure equality after three centuries of deprivation. He said the disintegration

of black families had reached a point of ‘‘social pathology.’’ He wrote: ‘‘The

principal challenge of the next phase of the Negro revolution is to make cer-

tain that equality of results will now follow. If we do not, there will be no

social peace in the United States for generations.’’

He cited black unemployment, welfare and illegitimacy rates. His empha-

sis on families headed by women led him to be accused of blaming the vic-

tims for their predicament, but in fact he wrote clearly, ‘‘It was by destroy-

ing the Negro family under slavery that white America broke the will of the

Negro people.’’ Now, he wrote, the Federal government must adopt policies

especially in education and employment, ‘‘designed to have the effect, di-

rectly or indirectly, of enhancing the stability and resources of the Negro

American family.’’

He left the administration in 1965 as liberals denounced his paper, and

then ran for President of the New York City Council. He lost badly in the

Democratic primary, but went on to Wesleyan University and, in 1966, to

Harvard as director of the Joint Center for Urban Studies and a tenured

professor in the Graduate School of Education.

He spoke out against disorder, in urban slums and on select campuses.

Speaking to Americans for Democratic Action in 1967, he made it clear he

thought liberal pieties would not solve black problems.

And in a passage that came to the eye of the Republican Presidential can-

didate Richard M. Nixon, he said liberals must ‘‘see more clearly that their

essential interest is in the stability of the social order’’ and ‘‘make alliances

with conservatives who share that concern.’’ When Nixon was elected, Mr.

OYNIHAN

made his alliance. He joined the White House staff as assistant

to the President for urban affairs.

That startled his friends, and his wife refused to move to Washington. Mr.

OYNIHAN

, who never developed, even after Watergate, the searing con-

tempt for Mr. Nixon that animated so many contemporary Democrats, ex-

plained that when the President of the United States asks, a good citizen

agrees to help. Another biographer, Godfrey Hodgson, says that while Mr.

OYNIHAN

never stopped thinking of himself as a liberal Democrat, he

shared the President’s resentment of orthodox liberalism.

While his advice to the President to end the war in Vietnam stayed pri-

vate, there were two ideas for which his time in the Nixon White House was

known.

In 1970 he wrote to the President on race relations, arguing that the issue

had been rubbed raw by ‘‘hysterics, paranoids and boodlers’’ on all sides.

Now, he wrote, race relations could profit from a period of ‘‘benign neglect’’

in which rhetoric, at least, was toned down. In a return of the reaction to

his paper on the Negro family, when this paper was leaked it was treated

as if Mr. M

OYNIHAN

wanted to neglect blacks.

He may have invited that interpretation by his quaintly glib language,

but in fact Mr. M

OYNIHAN

was pushing an idea that might have been of vast

help to poor blacks, and whites. That other idea for which he was known,

the Family Assistance Plan, sought to provide guaranteed income to the un-

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[ 44 ]

employed and supplements to the working poor, and together to stop fathers

from leaving home so their families could qualify for welfare. The President

made a speech for the program, sent it to Capitol Hill and let it die.

Afterward, though he remained on good terms with Mr. Nixon, Mr. M

NIHAN

went back to Harvard in 1970. Resentment over his White House

service chilled his welcome back in Cambridge. His interests shifted to for-

eign affairs—perhaps because the charges of racism left him no audience for

domestic policy, and made him welcome an appointment as Ambassador to

India, where he negotiated a deal to end India’s huge food aid debt to the

United States. He returned to Harvard to protect his tenure in 1975, but

moved that year to the United Nations as U.S. Ambassador.

There he answered the United States’ third world critics bluntly, often

contemptuously.

In his brief tenure he called Idi Amin, the President of Uganda, a ‘‘racist

murderer,’’ and denounced the General Assembly for passing a resolution

equating Zionism with racism: ‘‘the abomination of anti-Semitism has been

given the appearance of international sanction.’’ After eight months of strug-

gles with Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, who wanted a less

confrontational approach, he resigned in February 1976.

That made him available for a run for the Democratic nomination for the

Senate, and he edged out the very liberal Representative Bella Abzug in the

primary before winning the general election easily over the incumbent,

James L. Buckley, the Republican-Conservative candidate. With his wife in

charge of each campaign, he won three landslide re-elections.

He set one high goal—a seat on the Finance Committee as a freshman—

and reached it, along with a seat on the Intelligence Committee. Early in

office he joined Gov. Hugh L. Carey, Speaker Thomas P. O’Neill Jr. and

Senator Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts in a St. Patrick’s Day appeal

to Irish-Americans to stop sending money to arm the Irish Republican

Army, whom he privately described as ‘‘a bunch of murderous thugs.’’

Every year he produced an analysis of Federal taxes and Federal aid,

known as ‘‘the fisc,’’ which showed that New York was getting regularly

shortchanged by Washington. He worked to reduce that imbalance, both

through Medicaid funding on the Finance Committee and public works on

the Environment and Public Works Committee.

And his colleagues always knew he was around. Every day of the 2,454-

day captivity of Terry Anderson, the Associated Press reporter captured in

1985 by the Hezbollah in Lebanon, he would go to the Senate floor to re-

mind his colleagues, in a sentence, just how many days it had been.

QUARRELED WITH WHITE HOUSE

After loyally serving four Presidents, he quarreled with those in the White

House while he was in the Senate. When he arrived in 1977, he found Presi-

dent Carter too soft in dealing with the Soviet Union and indifferent to its

evil nature.

But he quickly came to believe that the Soviet Union was crumbling. In

Newsweek in 1979 he focused on its ethnic tensions. In January 1980, he

told the Senate: ‘‘The Soviet Union is a seriously troubled, even sick society.

The indices of economic stagnation and even decline are extraordinary. The

indices of social disorder—social pathology is not too strong a term—are

even more so.’’ He added. ‘‘The defining event of the decade might well be

the breakup of the Soviet empire.’’

It was against that changed perception that he was sharply critical of vast

increases in military spending, which, combined with the Reagan tax cuts,

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[ 45 ]

produced deficits that he charged were intended to starve domestic spend-

ing. He called a 1983 Reagan proposal for cutting Social Security benefits

a ‘‘breach of faith’’ with the elderly, and worked out a rescue package that

kept the program solvent for at least a decade into the 21st century.

He also scorned the 1983 invasion of Grenada, the 1984 mining of harbors

in Nicaragua and the 1989 invasion of Panama as violations of international

law, and voted against authorizing President George H. W. Bush to make

war against Iraq. It was not enough, he wrote in his book ‘‘On the Law of

Nations’’ in 1990, for the United States to be strong enough to get away

with such actions. The American legacy of international legal norms of state

behavior, he wrote, is ‘‘a legacy not to be frittered away.’’

But probably his worst relations with a President came when Bill Clinton

and Hillary Rodham Clinton sought passage of national health insurance.

Certainly, the failure of health care legislation was not primarily Mr.

OYNIHAN

’s responsibility, but he had become chairman of the Finance

Committee in 1993, and health care fell within its jurisdiction. He said the

administration should take on welfare reform legislation first, and carped

on television about their health plan, quickly fixing on the role of teaching

hospitals as the biggest issue in health care. But otherwise he waited for

Mr. Packwood and Senator Bob Dole of Kansas, the Republican leader, to

propose a compromise. Mr. Dole had decided all-out opposition was the bet-

ter course for his party, and they never did.

Mr. M

OYNIHAN

’s career in the Senate was marked not by legislative mile-

stones but by ideas. Even so, Senator Kennedy, the legislative lion, once de-

scribed him in 1993 as an exemplar ‘‘of what the Founding Fathers thought

the Senate would be about,’’ because of the New Yorker’s breadth of inter-

ests, ‘‘having read history, and thought about it, and being opinionated.’’

Mr. President, I will end with a prayer. It is my hope, it

is my prayer, that God grant us a few more P

OYNIHAN

in this Senate, in this country, in this world.

I yield the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from New York.

Mrs. CLINTON. Mr. President, I join my colleague in ex-

pressing our sense of loss at the passing of a man whom we

knew, we admired, we respected, we enjoyed.

Yesterday, we lost more than ‘‘The Gentleman from New

York.’’ We lost one of the great minds of America’s 20th cen-

tury. He devoted more than 50 years of his life to public

service in order to build a better world. For Senator M

NIHAN

, his service to his country and to the State he loved

was more than his career. It was his calling.

For 24 years, New Yorkers had the benefit of his intellect

and his dedication on the floor of this Senate. Whenever he

headed to the Senate floor to speak, he kept the people of

New York close to his heart. And he came armed with three

signature items: his horn-rim glasses, a bow tie, and a great

idea.

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[ 46 ]

No one believed more in the power of restoration than Sen-

ator M

OYNIHAN

: Restoration of our cities as economic and

cultural centers; restoration of our historic buildings as pub-

lic places of pride; restoration of the family, when given the

proper tools to mend decades of despair; restoration of our

government to better serve its people.

It was Senator M

OYNIHAN

who helped restore our sense of

hope with his ability to look at an abandoned building, a ne-

glected neighborhood, or an empty school, and see not only

what it could become but how to make it so.

He could ‘‘see around corners,’’ to quote his Irish heritage.

I always loved that phrase when applied to P

OYNIHAN

because it so aptly described his unique ability to foresee

how we might address a difficult problem. Time after time,

he could see our Nation’s next pressing challenge—and its

solution—even when it was decades away from our own na-

tional conscience.

His soul was anchored in the New Deal, but it was his

ability to enhance the social contract to meet the challenges

of the 20th and 21st century that transformed the lives of

millions of New Yorkers and Americans.

Whether it was Social Security, Medicare, education,

health care, the environment, fighting poverty, or historic

preservation, every issue illustrated what Senator M

OYNIHAN

did best: He used the power of an idea as an engine for

change. He was an architect of hope.

It was Senator M

OYNIHAN

who was able to articulate that

poverty in an urban setting was just as isolating and dev-

astating as in a rural setting. This helped launch the war on

poverty and the idea that we now know as the earned in-

come tax credit.

It was Senator M

OYNIHAN

who realized that States such as

New York and others across the Northeast contributed more

in taxes than we received back from the Federal Govern-

ment. This prompted what he called the FISC Report, and

his fight, which I carry on, to get New York its fair share.

It was Senator M

OYNIHAN

who looked at our historic

places—from Pennsylvania Avenue right here in Washing-

ton, DC, to Penn Station in New York City—and saw how

saving these great monuments to the past held meaning and

purpose for our future.

It was Senator M

OYNIHAN

, as chairman of the Senate Fi-

nance Committee, who helped write the 1993 Budget Act,

pass the Economic Act and the Deficit Reduction Act, that

set the foundation for the prosperity of the 1990s, lifted 7

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[ 47 ]

million Americans out of poverty, and sent a clear message

that the Federal Government did its best work when it did

it responsibly, living within a budget. Unlike what we have

just seen here on the floor over the last several days, Senator

OYNIHAN

understood that a government which lived within

its means made real choices, not false choices which involved

putting it on a credit card for our children to have to pay.

It was Senator M

OYNIHAN

who, in addition to all of these

domestic accomplishments, forged a new era of foreign policy

for America with his work as Ambassador to India, and with

his eloquence on behalf of the United States, speaking up

during a contentious time as Ambassador to the United Na-

tions.

On a personal note, it was Senator M

OYNIHAN

who wel-

comed me to his farm in Pindars Corners on a picture-perfect

July day in 1999 and offered his support and encouragement,

sending me on my way with a gesture of profound kindness

that I will never forget.

A few months ago, Senator M

OYNIHAN

came to see me in

my office. It is the office he was in for so many years. He

sat with me, and we talked about the issues confronting this

Senate. I asked his advice. I told him I wanted to have a

chance to talk with him further about so many of the chal-

lenges that are facing us. Unfortunately, that was not to be.

His illness prevented him from coming back to the Senate

and from helping other Senators one last time.

Today, we are all thinking of him and his family. We ex-

tend our condolences, and our gratitude for the life he lived,

the example he set, and the countless contributions he made.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

once said, in a very Irish way, ‘‘Well,

knowledge is sorrow really.’’

He was right. The knowledge that he no longer walks

among us brings sorrow to every New Yorker and American.

He grew up in Hell’s Kitchen, but he brought a bit of heaven

to the Senate. We are grateful for his being amongst us; his

looking around those corners, seeing further than any of us

could on our own.

Our thoughts and prayers go out to his wonderful wife Liz,

his children, his grandchildren. We wish them strength, and

we want them to know that P

OYNIHAN

was a blessing,

a blessing to the Senate, a blessing to New York, and a

blessing to America.

I thank the Chair.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecti-

cut.

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[ 48 ]

Mr. DODD. Mr. President, let me first of all commend both

of our colleagues from New York, Senators Schumer and

Clinton, for their very eloquent remarks about our former

colleague and dear friend, P

OYNIHAN

. I know not only

the Moynihan family but the people of New York and others

around this great country who have had the privilege of

knowing and spending time with P

OYNIHAN

deeply ap-

preciate their comments and their words. I join in expressing

my deep sense of loss of a towering figure of American life,

Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, whom we all know

passed away yesterday. My heart certainly goes out to Sen-

ator M

OYNIHAN

’s family at this most difficult time, his re-

markable wife Liz and their three children, Timothy, Maura,

and John, as well as the entire Moynihan family.

All of us, every single American, even those who may

never have heard his name or are unaware of his contribu-

tion, lost a member of the family in a sense with the death

of P

OYNIHAN

. That is because for more than half a cen-

tury, P

OYNIHAN

served the American people as a sol-

dier, teacher, author, assistant to four American Presidents,

Ambassador to India and the United Nations and, of course,

a Member of this Chamber for 24 years, from 1977 to the

year 2001.

OYNIHAN

, to those of us who knew him so well, was

an intellectual giant who never lost sight of what makes

America tick, in its most fundamental way our Nation’s peo-

ple and our Nation’s families. He had a deep appreciation

and abiding of America’s families as the backbone of our Na-

tion’s social and economic structure that has provided us

with stability and growth and success for more than two cen-

turies.

And he was, of course, an unparalleled leader in pointing

out weaknesses in America’s families and ways in which we

might strengthen them.

Generations of Americans, many of whom will never have

known or possibly even have heard of P

OYNIHAN

, will

reap the benefits of this most compassionate and thoughtful

leader among leaders.

A true American success story by any calculation, P

OYNIHAN

rose from the rough neighborhood of New York

City’s Hell’s Kitchen to become one of America’s leading in-

tellectuals. He earned a bachelor’s degree, two master’s de-

grees, and a Ph.D. as well as teaching appointments at Har-

vard, MIT, and Syracuse University.

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[ 49 ]

OYNIHAN

was much more than simply a man of let-

ters. He, above all else, combined his intellectual capacity

with a strong sense of action; of getting things done.

OYNIHAN

brought life to the notion that ideas serve

as the engine of democracy. Many of the most thoughtful and

progressive legislative programs that have improved the

lives of his beloved New York and all around our Nation and

across the globe for the past 40 years originated in the bril-

liant mind of P

OYNIHAN

. From protecting underprivi-

leged children, to passionately defending the Social Security

system, to questioning America’s role in the world at pivotal

moments in our history, P

OYNIHAN

’s intellectual agility

was only matched by his desire to make America a better na-

tion, a fairer nation, and a more successful one.

The description ‘‘renaissance figure’’ is too liberally applied

to people who don’t deserve it, in my view. That is not the

case with P

OYNIHAN

. He truly was a renaissance figure,

a person who could breeze easily and expertly from issue to

issue. He would expound upon what is needed to improve

mass transit systems nationwide one moment, explain what

is needed to achieve excellence in our public education sys-

tem in the next, and finish off with his latest idea to bring

majesty to the architecture along Pennsylvania Avenue, all

in a very seamless way.

I have heard the remarks of many of our colleagues and

others over the last 24 hours in sharing their grief over the

loss of our friend. As I have read and heard these remarks,

in newspapers and public accounts, it struck me that the

words describing P

OYNIHAN

that are being most re-

peated over and over again are courageous, compassionate,

principled, thoughtful, brilliant, and the like.

Few individuals have been so universally revered by so

many here in Washington and across the Nation for their de-

termination to make a difference in helping to steer our Na-

tion in the right direction over a half century. That is be-

cause for decades P

OYNIHAN

embodied the highest

ideals and values of our Nation since its founding. This was

recognized by Democratic Presidents and Republican ones

alike. He served for both of them, and he served well. It was

recognized by every one of his Senate colleagues, regardless

of party or ideology, who had the great fortune to have

worked with him in this Chamber.

Frederick Douglass once said, ‘‘The life of a nation is se-

cure only while the nation is honest, truthful, and virtuous.’’

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[ 50 ]

For 40 years P

OYNIHAN

lent those characteristics to

the heart of the U.S. Government. P

OYNIHAN

’s death

leaves a void in this Chamber, and in this country, that will

not soon, if ever, be filled.

I would like to think that there will be more P

NIHAN

s coming down the pike, to serve in this Chamber, and

in other important capacities nationwide. I would like to

think that there will be more individuals with the style, and

wit, and substance of P

OYNIHAN

to help guide our Na-

tion through the multitude of complex issues we confront

now and into the future.

I would like to think so, but the truth is P

OYNIHAN

was one of a kind. We will have to make do without him. I

only count my blessings that I had a chance to serve with

him in the U.S. Senate, and to have been able to call him

a friend.

I conclude my remarks by expressing my deep sense of loss

to Liz and the rest of the Moynihan family. This country has

lost a remarkable individual, a person who made significant

contributions to the health and well-being of this Nation. But

to those of us who had the joy of serving with this delightful

man from Ireland, we have lost a wonderful friend, someone

we will miss with a great sense of loss for the rest of our

lives.

I express my gratitude and those of my family to the Moy-

nihan family, the people of New York, and to our colleagues

and staffs and others who worked with him during those

four decades of public service.

I yield the floor.

Mr. LEVIN. Mr. President, today is a very sad day for

America and for those of us who served in the U.S. Senate

with one of its most visionary and accomplished Members, a

great man, a great American, Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

NIHAN

of New York, who died yesterday.

It stretches the mind just to think of all of the important

positions that P

OYNIHAN

held, including Cabinet or sub-

Cabinet posts under four Presidents: John Kennedy, Lyndon

Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Gerald Ford. He served as Am-

bassador to India in the 1970s and then as U.S. Ambassador

to the United Nations. He came to the U.S. Senate in 1977

already a scholar, author and public official of great distinc-

tion and renown. In the 24 years he spent here, he only

greatly expanded his enormous reputation and body of work.

OYNIHAN

was a Senator’s Senator. Over the years, he

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[ 51 ]

earned the respect of every Member of the Senate—and we

all learned a great deal from him.

OYNIHAN

was a person who showed tremendous vi-

sion throughout his life. He showed foresight about the im-

portance of a strong family and about the importance of

strong communities in America. He raised the critical impor-

tance of these basic values and concerns about the deteriora-

tion of these family values, long before others. He showed

great foresight about our Constitution. One of the highlights

for me in my service in the Senate was joining Senator M

NIHAN

and Senator Robert Byrd in fighting successfully

against the line-item veto as a violation of our Constitution.

And, he showed great foresight about the world and the role

of the United States in international affairs. His work at the

United Nations and in the Senate, as a former vice chairman

of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, and as chair-

man of the Finance Committee was marked by his percep-

tive, analytical, and worldly view on trade, foreign policy,

and intelligence matters. Long before others, Senator M

NIHAN

was speaking of the economic and ultimately military

weaknesses of the Soviet Union and predicting its collapse—

at a time when most of the American intelligence community

was overestimating its strength.

It is virtually impossible to list all of P

OYNIHAN

’s ac-

complishments in the U.S. Senate. Among the most lasting,

however, will be his efforts on behalf of architectural excel-

lence in the Nation’s Capital. He was a crucial force behind

the return to greatness of the Pennsylvania Avenue corridor

between the U.S. Capitol and the White House, the restora-

tion of Washington’s beautiful, elegant, and historic Union

Station, and the construction of the Thurgood Marshall Judi-

ciary Building here on Capitol Hill.

And P

could pack a punch, wielding his sharp sense of

humor as a devastating weapon as when, in 1981, when the

plastic covering used to protect the workers on the then-new

Hart Senate Office Building was removed. No fan of the lack

of architectural merit of the Senate’s newest office building,

he suggested that the plastic be immediately put back. He

commented, ‘‘Even in a democracy, there are things it is as

well the people do not know about their government.’’

The author or editor of 18 books, Senator M

OYNIHAN

was

at the forefront of the national debate on issues ranging from

welfare reform to tax policy to international relations. His

most recent book, written in 1998, Secrecy expands on the re-

port of the Commission on Protecting and Reducing Govern-

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[ 52 ]

ment Secrecy of which he was the chairman. This is a fas-

cinating and provocative review of the history of the develop-

ment of secrecy in the government since World War I and ar-

gument for an ‘‘era of openness.’’

At home in New York, in a State which is known for its

rough and tumble politics, he demonstrated leadership again

and again, exercising the power of intellect and the ability

to rise above the fray. That has been a wonderful contribu-

tion not just to New York but to all of America.

The Almanac of American Politics once noted ‘‘D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

[was] the Nation’s best thinker among

politicians since Lincoln and its best politician among think-

ers since Jefferson.’’ P

made a huge contribution to this

body and its reputation. I will never forget him.

His wife, Liz, his children, grandchildren and the entire

Moynihan family are in our hearts and our prayers today.

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

’s memory will continue to serve

as an inspiration to us all in the Senate family—as he was

in life—to better serve the country that he loved so much.

Mr. HOLLINGS. Mr. President, so many Senators have

spoken so eloquently about the loss of Senator M

OYNIHAN

;

but no one has been listened to in their speeches like they

listened to our friend in the bow tie with the staccato deliv-

ery. Standing in this Chamber, he would overwhelm with his

original thoughts, including overwhelming this Senator who

had the good fortune to listen to his ideas for all 24 of his

years here.

The saddest part about losing our friend is we lose him

when we need him most.

He was the authority on Social Security, just when we

need someone to stand up and expose the numbers that

these voodoo tax cuts are taking out of the Social Security

Trust Funds. He was the U.N. Ambassador who spoke blunt-

ly, just when we need a guy with an opinion to straighten

out those people up in New York. He was the architect who

turned Pennsylvania Avenue into a grand boulevard, just

when we need someone to figure out how to protect against

terrorism and not undo the beauty he brought to this city.

Right to the point: he was from the world of intellect, not

from the nonsense poll watchers. This Senator will miss the

gregarious big man with the biggest of the big ideas, who

nevertheless got things done in this Chamber.

My wife Peatsy joins me in extending our deepest sym-

pathy to his wonderful wife Elizabeth and their family.

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[ 53 ]

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Massachu-

setts.

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, our dear colleague, P

OYNIHAN

, was a true giant in the Senate, and his loss is

deeply felt by all of us who knew and admired him. He was

a brilliant statesman and legislator, and he was also a won-

derful friend to all the Kennedys throughout his extraor-

dinary career in the public life of the Nation.

Forty-two years ago, President Kennedy enlisted many of

the finest minds of his generation to serve in the New Fron-

tier. Among the outstanding young men and women who an-

swered his call was the brilliant young Irishman who became

a Special Assistant to Jack’s Secretary of Labor—and then

an Assistant Secretary of Labor himself—D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

. On that snowy Inauguration Day in January

1961, the torch was passed to that new generation of Ameri-

cans, and P

OYNIHAN

helped to hold it high in all the

years that followed.

leaves an outstanding legacy of extraordinary public

service and brilliant intellectual achievement that all of us

are proud of, and that President Kennedy would have been

proud of, too.

Throughout his remarkable career, P

was on the front

lines on the great social, political, and cultural challenges of

the day. To know him was to love him—the remarkable in-

tellect, the exceptional clarity of his thinking—the abiding

Irish wit that impressed and enthralled us all so often. We

were not alone. Pat’s qualities and achievements captivated,

educated, and inspired an entire generation of Americans.

All of us in Congress and around the Nation learned a

great deal from Pat, and we will miss him dearly. His wis-

dom and experience contributed immensely to the progress

our country has made on a wide variety of issues. We loved

the professor in him.

It was not unusual for Senators on both sides of the aisle

to come to the Senate floor to hear P

speak—Senators sit-

ting like students in a class, trying to understand a complex

issue we were struggling with.

The whole Senate loved and respected Pat. As he often

said, ‘‘If you don’t have 30 years to devote to social policy,

don’t get involved.’’ He dedicated his brilliant mind and his

beautiful Irish heart to that challenge, and America is a

stronger and better and fairer nation today because of his

contributions. With his great insight, and wisdom, he skill-

fully questioned the way things worked, constantly searching

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[ 54 ]

for new and better ways to enable all Americans to achieve

their dreams.

In the 24 years P

served with us in the Senate, he was

the architect of many of the Nation’s most progressive initia-

tives to help our fellow citizens, especially those in need. He

left his mark on virtually every major piece of domestic pol-

icy legislation enacted by Congress.

He had a central role in shaping the debate on welfare re-

form, and he was a visionary when it came to protecting and

strengthening Medicare and Social Security. He spearheaded

the major transportation legislation that provides indispen-

sable support for highways throughout the country and for

mass transit in our cities.

An important part of Pat’s legacy is the restoration of

Pennsylvania Avenue, which my friend and colleague, Sen-

ator Schumer, referenced—the Nation’s principal thorough-

fare. The key to that dream was the preservation of Lafay-

ette Park, right across from the White House. Jackie Ken-

nedy Onassis put forward the vision that she and P

shared

to preserve that famous national square and the townhouses

that surround it, which are such a vital part of our history

and our architectural heritage.

Throughout his career, P

worked brilliantly, effectively,

tirelessly, and with great political skill, to promote the high-

est values of public service. And in doing so, he earned well-

deserved renown and respect from all of us in Congress on

both sides of the aisle, from Republican and Democratic ad-

ministrations alike, from political thinkers, foreign policy ex-

perts, and leaders of other nations as well.

In a world of increasing specialization, there was no limit

to his interest or his intellect or his ability. In so many ways,

he was the living embodiment of what our Founding Fathers

had in mind when they created the U.S. Senate. And he did

it all without ever losing his common touch, because he

cared so deeply about the millions of citizens he served so

well, the people of New York.

One of my own happiest associations with P

was our

work together to end the violence in Northern Ireland and

bring peace to that beautiful land of our ancestors. P

and

I worked closely with Tip O’Neill and Hugh Carey on that

issue, and they called us the ‘‘Four Horsemen.’’

believed very deeply in that cause and in all the other

great causes he did so much to advance during his long and

brilliant career. Whether serving in the Navy or as professor,

adviser to Presidents, Ambassador, or Senator, P

brought

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[ 55 ]

out the best in everyone he touched, and his mark on Earth

will be remembered forever.

At another dark time in our history, after President Ken-

nedy was taken from us, P

said, ‘‘I don’t think there’s any

point in being Irish if you don’t know that the world is going

to break your heart eventually.’’ Pat’s loss breaks all our

hearts today, and we know we will never forget him. We

never forgot the lilt of his Irish laughter that stole our

hearts away.

My heart goes out to Liz and the entire Moynihan family.

We will miss P

very much, and we will do our best to

carry on his incomparable work to make our country and our

world a better place.

Mr. DASCHLE. Mr. President, I spoke briefly last night of

the sorrow we all felt on hearing that our former colleague,

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, passed away. This afternoon I

join with Senators Schumer, Clinton, Kennedy, Dodd, and

others to return to the floor to say a bit more for the Record

about this truly remarkable man and about how much the

Senate and the Nation will miss him.

Opening this morning’s newspapers at a time when news

of the war in Iraq seems to eclipse all else, I found it fitting

that D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

was—as he was so often

during his long public career—once again front page news.

Newspapers across the Nation—and indeed, around the

world—are filled today with accounts of Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s

life and work.

What has been written in just the short time since his

death yesterday afternoon reminds us how extraordinary

OYNIHAN

really was.

The New York Times—the newspaper Senator M

OYNIHAN

read religiously every day, from cover to cover, we are told—

reported that he ‘‘brought a scholar’s eye for data to politics

and a politician’s sense of the real world to academia.’’

The Washington Post noted that he ‘‘pursued with distinc-

tion enough careers for half a dozen men of lesser talents

and imagination: politician, Presidential adviser, diplomat,

author, professor, public intellectual.’’

In talking about Senator M

OYNIHAN

with colleagues and

friends last night and today, it strikes me that everyone

seems to come back to one idea: People like P

OYNIHAN

simply do not come along every day.

I said yesterday that he seemed larger than life. He was

also, truly, one of a kind. Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s myriad public

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[ 56 ]

accomplishments are being—and will no doubt continue to

be—well documented.

Today, I want to add to what has been said in the press

and on this floor some of the less frequently mentioned

things that made P

special to those of us who had the

privilege to know him and work with him.

OYNIHAN

enlivened the Senate. He did so in many

ways, but there are three in particular that come to mind for

me today.

First was the way he applied his encyclopedic mind to the

deliberations of the Senate. In our Democratic Caucus meet-

ings, in committee hearings, and here on the floor, he ele-

vated our discourse. He would make a point, and drive it

home, by drawing on his sweeping knowledge of history, lit-

erature, poetry, and the arts. He could quote from hundreds

of sources—from memory.

Listening to P

speak extemporaneously, you might be

treated to verbatim quotes from Disraeli or Churchill, Yeats

or Robert Frost, Dylan Thomas, Evelyn Waugh, Arthur

Conan Doyle, or Shakespeare. He always had just the right

quote to support his argument, and he always quoted accu-

rately.

I once read that the staff of the Shakespeare Theater

here—where P

was a frequent patron—often noticed him

silently mouthing the words of the play—as the actors spoke

them.

A second gift of Pat’s that we all treasured was his ready

sense of humor. It was a puckish, mischievous wit, and it

never failed to surprise and amuse us.

I remember when the Hart Senate Office Building was

completed. P

was never an admirer of the architecture of

the Hart Senate Office Building. In fact, he thought it was

downright ugly. When the building was finished and the con-

struction tarp was taken down, P

introduced a resolution

saying the tarp should be put back up.

also knew how to use his wit to disarm. He was fa-

mously blunt and direct with the press. But he also knew

how to use humor to avoid questions he preferred not to an-

swer.

Nearly every week, he invited the New York press corps

into his office in the Russell Building for coffee and to an-

swer questions. If he chose to, he could crack a hilarious joke

and have the press in stitches. By the time they got through

laughing, they had forgotten the question altogether.

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[ 57 ]

Finally, P

OYNIHAN

was a fierce Senate institution-

alist—a quality that endeared him to me, to Senator Byrd,

and to so many of us.

OYNIHAN

loved and revered this institution—much

as he loved and revered public service.

His respect for the Senate showed itself in many ways,

from his stout defense of Senate powers and prerogatives to

his keen interest in the architectural preservation of the

Capitol Building and its environs.

had a sentimental side, as many of us do, when it

came to this building.

On special occasions, he loved to present friends with a gift

of sandstone bookends made from the old East Front of the

Capitol. With each presentation of those treasured stones,

loved to tell an elaborate story about the political in-

trigue surrounding the extension of the East Front in the

1950s.

These are just a few of the special things that come to

mind as we reflect on the unique life and legacy of our friend

and former colleague.

I said last night that in losing P

OYNIHAN

, New York

and the Nation have lost a giant. And, as Winston Churchill

once said of another great patriot, we shall not see his like

again.

On behalf of the entire U.S. Senate, I again extend sincer-

est condolences to P

’s beloved wife and partner, Liz, to

their children, Tim, John, and Maura, and to their grand-

children, Zora and Michael Patrick.

We thank them for sharing so much of their husband, fa-

ther and grandfather with us. Our thoughts and prayers are

with them at this hour.

I yield the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Missouri.

Mr. BOND. Mr. President, I rise today to join my col-

leagues to mourn the passing of and express respect and ad-

miration for the service of our former colleague, D

ANIEL

RICK

OYNIHAN

, whom we recently lost.

Before I came to this body, I had heard a great deal about

OYNIHAN

. Who had not? If you followed government, if

you were interested in policy, P

OYNIHAN

probably said

something that was very important. He was way ahead of

his time on some issues. On other issues, I disagreed with

him rather strongly, but you knew if P

OYNIHAN

spoke,

it was going to be worth listening to. If you did not agree

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[ 58 ]

with him, you were going to have to work hard to counter

it.

I had some disagreements with the distinguished Senator

from New York. As a matter of fact, in the 1992 Highway

Bill, I had a spectacular confrontation with him. We dis-

agreed over a courthouse that was included in the highway

bill. Thereafter, we became very good friends, and I think as

a result of our rather tumultuous getting acquainted, I had

the opportunity to spend a good bit of time with him.

We were neighbors in an area of the Capitol where we

both had workspaces. I spent a number of evenings enjoying

a discussion with him as we watched the debates on the floor

of the Senate. His ability to discuss and have insightful ob-

servations about so many subjects was truly impressive. If I

ever met a Renaissance man, it was P

OYNIHAN

I will give one example. Everybody knows the great role he

played in revitalizing Pennsylvania Avenue and the leader-

ship he provided. He was a great student of architecture.

One of the projects we worked on in Missouri was saving the

Wainwright Building, the first steel-framed skyscraper de-

signed by Louis Sullivan. I mentioned it to him one day. He

proceeded to give me a short course in architecture and the

role of Louis Sullivan and his draftsman, Frank Lloyd

Wright, which went far beyond the knowledge I had of the

building in St. Louis. As a student of architecture, as a stu-

dent who appreciated the benefits architecture brings to the

quality of life, he was absolutely without peer.

There were many other issues, and I know my colleagues

will have many thoughts to share about him, but I wanted

to rise to say to those he leaves behind that he was truly an

outstanding servant, one whose friendship and whose in-

sights and experiences I personally will always hold dear. I

know this body is far richer for his presence and his service.

I thank the Chair. I yield the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana.

Mr. BURNS. Mr. President, I also rise to join with my col-

leagues on the passing of P

OYNIHAN

. Where does one

start when a friend and colleague leaves us?

When Senator M

OYNIHAN

retired from the Senate, where

he served our country and his State so well, he really did not

leave us. Now in this, his last transition, he will not leave

us. He left so much of himself with us. His words will re-

main with us for years to come.

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[ 59 ]

I did not join the Senate until 1989. Being on the opposite

side of the aisle—I was one who had not earned his spurs

yet—I did not have the opportunity to get to know him until

we went on a trip together to the Persian Gulf during Desert

Shield in 1990. I can say my life has been richly blessed

serving with a lot of men and women who have since retired

from this body. He was one of those people.

That was a great trip to the Persian Gulf. We spent a lot

of hours in flight and spent a lot of hours in conversation,

which was truly enlightening to this Senator from a rural

State such as Montana. Our relationship grew from that

point, and I realized what a marvelous man he really was.

He was a man true to his faith and principles. His intellect

stood him apart from most men I have ever known, but he

coupled that intellect with good old-fashioned common sense

and deep wisdom.

The subject matter of the conversation did not make any

difference. He could relate to anyone on a common ground.

The ability to communicate with anybody who is not blessed

with the same amount of institutional information or knowl-

edge of any issue that may confront policymakers on a daily

basis is a wonderful talent. He was one I held in high es-

teem, as he was one of the most intelligent men I have ever

known.

It is unusual to find a person of that caliber to be blessed

with a great sense of humor, and to put it on our level. He

was quick, and his humor would sneak up on you. A man of

his own style, very comfortable with himself, his presen-

tations on the floor, in committee, or in public were strictly

OYNIHAN

. We shall miss his voice on the floor of the

Senate for several reasons, and printed words cannot de-

scribe that distinct sound.

I notice my friend from West Virginia is in the Chamber.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

sat only two seats behind Senator Byrd.

We can hear him today say, ‘‘Mr. President, may we have

order.’’

That was distinctly a call we all knew, understood, and re-

spected. I shall miss him. I shall never forget him. Whatever

accolades he may receive, he earned every one.

I yield the floor.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Vir-

ginia.

Mr. BYRD. Mr. President.

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[ 60 ]

There is a Catskill eagle in some souls that can alike dive down into the

blackest gorges and soar out of them again and become invisible in the

sunny spaces. And even if he forever flies within the gorge, that gorge is

in the mountains; so that even in his lowest swoop, the mountain eagle is

still higher than other birds upon the plain, even though they soar.

I was saddened to learn last night of the death of one of

the most educated, most versatile, and most gifted persons

ever to bless this Chamber, and one of my favorites, our

former colleague, Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

With master’s and doctorate degrees from the Fletcher

School of Law and Diplomacy, he was a Fulbright scholar

and the author of a number of sometimes controversial, but

important, books. He held academic positions at several of

our country’s most prestigious universities, including Syra-

cuse, Harvard, and MIT.

Unable to settle into an academic life, P

OYNIHAN

went on to serve in high positions in the administrations of

Presidents John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard

Nixon, and Gerald Ford—making him the first and only per-

son to serve in the Cabinet or sub-Cabinets of four successive

administrations. His government work included serving as

the American Ambassador to India and as the U.S. Perma-

nent Representative to the United Nations.

Even with this background, and these accomplishments,

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

still refused to rest. In fact, his

greatest work, I might even go so far as to say his destiny,

was still ahead. In 1976, he was elected to the first of four

terms in the U.S. Senate.

I was then the Democratic whip. I knew I was going to be

the next Senate majority leader, so I welcomed P

NIHAN

to the Senate and assured him I would do my best to

see that he got appointed to the Senate Finance Committee.

That is where he wanted to go.

So it was in this Chamber that the talents, the skills, and

the powerful intellect of this philosopher-statesman shined

the brightest.

It was more than his outstanding work as a Senator from

a large and powerful State.

It was more than his outstanding work as chairman of the

Senate Environment and Public Works Committee and as

chairman of the Senate Finance Committee.

It was that he was a visionary with the strongest sense of

the pragmatic, an idealist with the most profound grasp of

what was practical, an internationalist who always put our

country first. With his keen and profound historical perspec-

tive and his incredible breadth of knowledge ranging from

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[ 61 ]

taxes to international law, he had the uncanny ability to

make us confront issues that needed to be confronted, and to

cut to the core of a problem and then help us to solve it.

A person and a Senator not only of high intellectual qual-

ity, but also high intellectual honesty, Senator M

OYNIHAN

took on the complicated and politically sensitive issues, like

Social Security, health care, and welfare reform, with pas-

sion and compassion; he took on these mighty subjects with

determination and foresight and with unflinching integrity.

I have never forgotten, and will never forget, our valiant

fight together to challenge and defeat the line-item veto. I

wish he were here now. This was one of his many struggles

to preserve and to protect our constitutional system. We

need more P

OYNIHAN

s who would take an unflinching

stand for the Constitution and this institution. He truly be-

lieved in our Constitution just as he truly believed in the

mission as well as the traditions, the rules, and the folkways

of the U.S. Senate. He knew that the American Government

is not the monster that demagogues fear and like to portray

but a positive, creative force in American life that has helped

all Americans to enjoy better, safer, and more productive

lives.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

retired from the Senate in the year

2000. But he was one of those Senators who was so much a

part of this institution that he has never really left it. I still

look over at his seat and sit in my own and turn it in that

direction and listen to him. I can hear him; I can still see

him. Yes, just like I still see Richard B. Russell who sat at

this seat and who departed this life on January 21, 1971;

like I can still see Everett Dirksen, that flamboyant Repub-

lican orator and leader; as I can see Lister Hill of Alabama,

and the other great lawmakers with whom I have had the

privilege and the honor of serving.

I look over there and see his unruly hair, his crooked bow

tie, his glasses that always seemed about to fall off his face,

and that unforgettable Irish twinkle in his eyes.

But I have missed his incredible grasp of the issues. I have

missed his intellectual vigor, and his incisive wit and wis-

dom. In these difficult and trying times, I, and the Senate,

have sorely missed his innate sense of fairness, and his

unbounded and unqualified determination to do the right

thing regardless of political party or political consequences.

As I said when he retired from the Senate, ‘‘His conscience

is his compass. . . . Senator M

OYNIHAN

states facts, the cold,

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[ 62 ]

hard truths that many others in high places refuse to face

and that some are unable to see.’’

Senator M

OYNIHAN

lived the lifetime of ten mortals. An

author, ambassador, college professor, outstanding public

servant, and a great U.S. Senator, he accomplished so much.

He leaves an indelible mark on this country. His legacy is in-

tact. His was a creative and successful life. And he was

blessed with a wonderful and gracious wife, Elizabeth. My

wife Erma and I extend our deepest and heartfelt condo-

lences to P

’s entire family.

I close my remarks by reciting the immortal words of Jo-

siah Gilbert Holland:

God give us men!

A time like this demands strong minds,

great hearts, true faith, and ready hands.

Men whom the lust of office does not kill;

Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy;

Men who possess opinions and a will;

Men who have honor; men who will not lie.

Men who can stand before a demagogue

And brave his treacherous flatteries without winking.

Tall men, sun-crowned;

Who live above the fog,

In public duty and in private thinking.

For while the rabble with its thumbworn creeds,

It’s large professions and its little deeds,

mingles in selfish strife,

Lo! Freedom weeps!

Wrong rules the land and waiting justice sleeps.

God give us men!

Men who serve not for selfish booty;

But real men, courageous, who flinch not at duty.

Men of dependable character;

Men of sterling worth;

Then wrongs will be redressed, and right will rule the Earth.

God Give us Men!

Mr. President, those of us who knew D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, especially those of us who served with him here

in the Senate, will remember his ‘‘strong mind,’’ his ‘‘great

heart,’’ his ‘‘true faith,’’ and his ‘‘ready hands.’’ We will re-

member him as a man of ‘‘dependable character’’ and ‘‘ster-

ling worth.’’

Thank you, God, for giving us Senator D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

I yield the floor.

Mr. BROWNBACK. Mr. President, I rise today to join my

colleagues in offering a tribute to the late distinguished Sen-

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[ 63 ]

ator P

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, a role model, an inspiration, a

friend, and my fellow Senator. I can only hope that with my

poor speaking skills, in comparison certainly to his, I can do

justice to his many virtues and innumerable contributions he

made to this Nation. I know today many of my colleagues

are lauding him for his principled stands, even if it meant

feeling exiled in Siberia. He many times fought the lonely

and oftentimes frustrating fight, but he knew what was right

and that sustained him through the years of criticism and

controversy and, ultimately, was normally proven right. He

was a great role model.

In fact, when I first met the Senator from New York, one

of the things that came to my mind was what the German

poet, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, once said, ‘‘Talents are

best nurtured in solitude; character is best formed in the

stormy billows of the world.’’

He also said, ‘‘He who is firm and resolute in will, molds

the world to himself.’’

I can’t think of anybody to which this statement applies

better than to Senator M

OYNIHAN

. He has always been will-

ing to stand upon his principles, in solitude if necessary, to

weather the stormy billows of the world, to truly mold the

world to himself.

He has been someone who has been the epitome of being

firm and resolute in will, no matter the criticism, the con-

troversy or the circumstances.

In fact, when he first wrote his report to President John-

son, for example, 40 years ago, highlighting the rising out-

of-wedlock birthrates that were taking place in the country,

he felt that this threatened the stability of the family, par-

ticularly minority families, one of the building blocks of our

society. He was roundly attacked at that time. Rather than

seeing this report rightly as a chilling foreboding of problems

to come, people chose to turn a blind eye to the truth upon

which he so correctly shed light. Now we have reached a

stage where the out-of-wedlock birthrates in all the commu-

nities in our country have reached dangerous proportions,

and everyone is in agreement about exactly how dangerous

this is.

How many times we have heard, ‘‘P

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

was

right.’’ How many times should we have had to hear it said?

Senator M

OYNIHAN

always understood the overriding impor-

tance of the truth, of ensuring that there is substance behind

one’s politics and not just words. He showed this time and

time again.

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[ 64 ]

For example, one of the most important chapters of our

Nation’s story of human freedom and dignity is the history

and legacy of the African-American march toward freedom,

legal equality, and full participation in American society.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

understood the importance of this his-

tory, which is why in the 102d Congress he championed the

effort to create a National African-American Museum, a vital

project upon which Congressman Lewis and I now have

spent several years working and which we hope to get to

completion.

With Senator M

OYNIHAN

’s leadership, at that time the mu-

seum idea successfully passed the Senate but, unfortunately,

did not pass the House and to this day we picked up his

mantle and are still working on it.

Senator M

OYNIHAN

understood why it was so critical to

honor this history, truly the history of not just African-

Americans but of our Nation. His commitment was key to

the first efforts.

As I seek to move forward the legislation to create the mu-

seum, I am honored that I am now carrying on the work he

began in this body. It certainly makes for very big shoes to

fill, but I am only hopeful that in his memory I may do just

efforts justice.

Billy Graham once said, ‘‘Courage is contagious. When a

brave man takes a stand the spine of others are often stiff-

ened.’’

This was always true when we associated with Senator

OYNIHAN

. Somehow, people seemed to stand a little taller,

act more resolute. They even argued better. No one could

ever out-argue Senator M

OYNIHAN

, but somehow the chal-

lenge of having such a talented opponent made one’s own

skills sharper.

There is so much more to my friend, though, than what is

so obviously and publicly known. For example, so many of us

here experienced his wonderful and robust sense of humor,

something I wish everyone could have had the pleasure of

participating in seeing. Senator M

OYNIHAN

was all of this

and much, much more.

He was often described as the great statesman of the Sen-

ate, a breed that seems more and more difficult to find in

politics. He was always a steadfast defender of American

principles. He was also someone who brought dignity, char-

acter, and humor to this body. He has been and always will

be the role model of the true statesman.

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[ 65 ]

In the Second Epistle to Timothy, Paul writes, ‘‘I have

fought the good fight, I finished the course, I have kept the

faith.’’

Senator M

OYNIHAN

certainly did so. All of us here and

across the Nation have benefited.

Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. FRIST. Mr. President, as we bring to a close what has

been a very productive week over the last 4 days here in the

Senate, we have had ups and downs and a lot of very produc-

tive debate. Many sad events and many happy events have

actually been talked about on the floor, with the range from

the death of D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

, an icon who has

spoken so many times from this floor to the American peo-

ple—indeed, to the world—to the many comments made in

morning business over the course of this week paying tribute

to our men and women, our soldiers overseas; a resolution

today commending the coalition of allies who support the

United States and our British friends in the efforts that are

under way as I speak today; all the way to a budget that is

a culmination, in many ways, of weeks and weeks of work

as we have defined the priorities of this body in spending the

taxpayers’ dollars for the foreseeable future—a first step, the

culmination of a lot of debate and discussion as we go

through our conference with the House over the next several

weeks.

We had a lot of ups and a lot of downs but a lot of

progress, and we are doing the Nation’s business at the same

time we are paying respect to the incidents that are playing

out before us in the international and domestic realm. Last

night I had the opportunity of introducing the resolution,

along with Senator Daschle, paying respects to Senator M

NIHAN

and, as I mentioned in my opening comments today,

once again, the great legacy that he leaves all of us.

I would like to pay one final tribute to him, and read just

a few paragraphs from the commencement speech he gave at

Harvard in 2002, which has previously been printed in the

Record.

The commencement speech at Harvard, 2002, is entitled

‘‘Civilization Need Not Die’’ by D

ANIEL

ATRICK

OYNIHAN

Last February, some 60 academics of the widest range of political persua-

sion and religious belief, a number from here at Harvard, including Hun-

tington, published a manifesto: ‘‘What We’re Fighting For: A Letter from

America.’’

It has attracted some attention here; perhaps more abroad, which was our

purpose. Our references are wide, Socrates, St. Augustine, Franciscus de

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[ 66 ]

Victoria, John Paul II, Martin Luther King, Jr., Alexander Solzhenitsyn, the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

We affirmed ‘‘five fundamental truths that pertain to all people without

distinction,’’ beginning ‘‘all human beings are born free and equal in dignity

and rights.’’

We allow for our own shortcomings as a nation, sins, arrogance, failings.

But we assert we are no less bound by moral obligation. And finally, . . . rea-

son and careful moral reflection . . . teach us that there are times when the

first and most important reply to evil is to stop it.