Ethics in business research 133
is variously called disguised or covert observation. Such
observation can involve covert participant observation
(see Key concept 17.5), or simple or contrived observation
(see, for example, Thinking deeply 11.9 and Research
in focus 11.10), in which the researcher’s true identity is
unknown. The principle means that prospective research
participants should be given as much information as
might be needed to make an informed decision about
whether or not they wish to participate in a study. Covert
observation transgresses that principle, because partici-
pants are not given the opportunity to refuse to cooperate.
They are involved whether they like it or not.
Lack of informed consent is a feature of Research in focus
5.1 and Research in focus 5.3. For example, in Dalton’s
research, informed consent is almost entirely absent.
Dalton went to great lengths in order to keep the purpose
of his research from participants, presumably to maximize
his chances of obtaining specifi c information about such
things as unoffi cial use of resources or pilfering. Even
those who became key informants, or ‘intimates’, knew
only of Dalton’s general interest in ‘personnel problems’,
and great care was taken not to arouse suspicion. Dalton
describes his undercover role as similar in indirect
actions to that of an espionage agent or spy, although
he stresses that his interest was in scientifi c rather than
criminal evidence. The principle of informed consent also
entails the implication that, even when people know they
are being asked to participate in research, they should be
fully informed about the research process. As the AoM
Code of Ethical Conduct suggests:
It is the duty of Academy members to
preserve and protect the privacy,
dignity, well being, and freedom of
research participants. This duty requires
both careful research design and informed
consent from all participants . . . Informed
consent means explaining to potential
participants the purposes and nature of
the research so they can freely choose
whether or not to become involved. Such
explanations include warning of possible
harm and providing explicit opportunities
to refuse to participate and to terminate
participation at any time. Because
students and employees are particularly
subject to possible coercion, even when
unintended, special care must be taken
in obtaining their informed consent.
Similarly, the MRS Code of Conduct states that informed
consent means that respondents should be told, normally at
the beginning of the interview, if observation techniques
or recording equipment are to be used. Thus, while
Milgram’s and Haney, Banks, and Zimbardo’s experimental
subjects (see Research in focus 5.3) were volunteers
and therefore knew they were going to participate in
research, there is a lack of informed consent, because
they were not given full information about the nature of
the research and its possible implications for them.
However, as Homan (1991: 73) has observed, imple-
menting the principle of informed consent ‘is easier said
than done’. At least two major points stand out here.
•
It is extremely diffi cult to present prospective partici-
pants with absolutely all the information that might
be required to make an informed decision about their
involvement. In fact, relatively minor transgressions
probably pervade most business research, such as
deliberately underestimating the amount of time that
an interview is likely to take so that people are not put
off being interviewed, and not giving absolutely all the
details about one’s research for fear of contaminating
people’s answers to questions.
•
In ethnographic research, the researcher is likely to come
into contact with a wide spectrum of people, and
ensuring that absolutely everyone has the opportunity
for informed consent is not practicable, because it
would be extremely disruptive in everyday contexts.
Also, even when all research participants in a certain
setting are aware that the ethnographer is a researcher,
it is doubtful whether they are all similarly (let alone
identically) informed about the nature of the research.
For example, in C. K. Lee’s (1998) study of women
factory workers in Hong Kong and China, she found it
diffi cult to convey her ‘version’ of what she was doing to
her co-workers. This was partly because the academic
term ‘thesis’ did not make sense to them, so the women
developed an alternative explanation, which involved
the idea that Lee was writing a novel based on her
experiences as a worker ‘toiling side by side with “real”
workers’. Lee explains: ‘I had to settle for that defi nition
too . . .’ (1998: 173). This example aptly illustrates
how it is not always possible for the researcher fully to
explain the purposes and nature of the research, and so
sometimes a compromise understanding is reached.
In spite of the widespread condemnation of violations of
informed consent and the view that covert observation is
especially vulnerable to accusations of unethical practice
in this regard, studies such as Dalton’s (1959) are still
regarded as important in providing insight into subversive
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© Oxford University Press 2011. Alan Bryman and Emma Bell. Business Research Methods 3e