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Meta

Journal des traducteurs

Translators’ Journal

From the Dutch corantos to Convergence Journalism: The Role

of Translation in News Production

Roberto A. Valdeón

Volume 57, Number 4, December 2012

Journalisme et traduction

Journalism and Translation

URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1021221ar

DOI: https://doi.org/10.7202/1021221ar

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0026-0452 (print)

1492-1421 (digital)

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Valdeón, R. A. (2012). From the Dutch corantos to Convergence Journalism: The

Role of Translation in News Production. Meta, 57(4), 850–865.

https://doi.org/10.7202/1021221ar

Article abstract

This article provides a overview of the role translation has played in news

transmission since the birth of journalism until the 21st century. The paper

focuses on three periods and the ways in which translation has been present in

news production: (1) translation at the origin of newspapers in 17th- and

18th-century Europe, with particular reference to England, Spain and

Scandinavia, where translation was, in fact, the staple diet of the first

pamphlets published in those countries, (2) from the late 19th century

onwards, the interplay between language and translation has also been

present in the activity of foreign correspondents, albeit often in a very invisible

manner, and (3) as the journalistic activity was professionalized, the

importance of translation can be traced in the need for journalists to be trained

in foreign languages as well as in the appearance of news agencies whose

activity is to a great extent translational. Finally, the advent and spread of the

Internet has made the role of translation more apparent, even if it remains an

invisible second-rate activity within the news production process.

Meta LVII, 4, 2012

From the Dutch corantos to Convergence

Journalism:

The Role of Translation in News Production

roberto a. valdeón

Universidad de Oviedo, Oviedo, Spain

University of Leuven, Leuven, Belgium

valdeon@uniovi.es

RÉSUMÉ

Le présent article offre un aperçu du rôle de la traduction dans la diffusion de nouvelles

depuis l’arrivée du journalisme jusqu’au xxi

siècle. L’accent est mis sur la manière

dont les nouvelles sont traduites au cours de trois périodes, c’est-à-dire : (1) les xvii

xviii

siècles en Europe, époque de la naissance des premiers journaux, particulièrement

en Angleterre, en Espagne et en Scandinavie, où la plupart des premiers pamphlets

publiés sont traduits ; (2) à partir de la ﬁn du xix

siècle, alors que la relation entre les

langues et la traduction se montre toujours présente dans le travail des correspondants

à l’étranger, bien que de façon souvent invisible ; (3) à l’époque de la professionnalisation

du journalisme, alors que l’importance de la traduction se reﬂète dans le besoin des

journalistes de recevoir une formation en langues étrangères ainsi que dans la percée de

nouvelles agences où la traduction est l’une des activités principales. Enﬁn, l’arrivée et

la diffusion massive d’Internet ont rendu le rôle de la traduction encore plus apparent,

même si elle demeure une activité invisible et secondaire dans le processus de production

des nouvelles.

ABSTRACT

This article provides a overview of the role translation has played in news transmission

since the birth of journalism until the 21st century. The paper focuses on three periods

and the ways in which translation has been present in news production: (1) translation

at the origin of newspapers in 17th- and 18th-century Europe, with particular reference

to England, Spain and Scandinavia, where translation was, in fact, the staple diet of the

ﬁrst pamphlets published in those countries, (2) from the late 19th century onwards, the

interplay between language and translation has also been present in the activity of foreign

correspondents, albeit often in a very invisible manner, and (3) as the journalistic activ-

ity was professionalized, the importance of translation can be traced in the need for

journalists to be trained in foreign languages as well as in the appearance of news agen-

cies whose activity is to a great extent translational. Finally, the advent and spread of the

Internet has made the role of translation more apparent, even if it remains an invisible

second-rate activity within the news production process.

MOTS-CLÉS/KEYWORDS

nouvelles (actualités), journalisme, périodique, agence de nouvelles, correspondant

étranger

news, journalism, periodical, news agency, foreign correspondent

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 850 13-10-17 7:07 PM

from the dutch corantos to convergence journalism 851

1. Introduction

Two books published in 2009 analyzed the role of translation in news production.

Bielsa and Bassnett studied translation in international news agencies, whereas

Hernández Guerrero oered an insight into the use of translation in Spain’s most

important newspapers. e second edition of the Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation

Studies and John Benjamins’ Handbook of Translation Studies include entries devoted

to “news gathering and dissemination” (Palmer 2009: 186-188) and “journalism and

translation” (van Doorslaer 2010: 180-184) respectively. In 2010 a special issue of

Across Languages and Cultures was devoted to “Translation in the Post-Industrialist

Society” (Valdeón 2010) with particular reference to the transfer of information into

other languages, its peculiarities and conventions. More recently, Bellos, a literary

translator and a professor at Princeton, devoted a section of his recently published

book to news translation (Bellos 2011: 241-246), signalling the central role of the

activity in news dissemination. e importance of translation within the journalistic

profession can be summarized using Bellos’s very visual style: “even if a hypothetical

global news translation HQ [headquarter] served only 80 vehicular languages, it

would still require 6,320 dierent language desks” (Bellos 2011: 242). In other words,

news translators might be invisible but their activity no longer is.

However, translation has scarcely featured in studies of journalistic production

or history. For instance, in his 1995 analysis of foreign correspondents, Hohenberg

oers a historic approach to the profession and its risks where translation is barely

mentioned, even though, as we shall see in the next section, translation has always

been a part of the process of communicating foreign news events to the readers.

Hohenberg recalls the report of the assassination of the Archduke in Sarajevo pub-

lished in e New York Times, which was based on “the translated account of the

Vienna Neue Freie Presse, with other details from the London Daily Mail” (Hohenberg

1995: 85). is passing remark emphasizes the role of translation as an intrinsic part

of the news production process alongside other sources: translating and recycling

information, which will also be dealt with further down, have thus been at the core

of journalism from its inception as a profession back in the 18th century, when the

knowledge of other languages and cultures was considered fundamental for would-

be journalists. As Bainbridge indicates, a sound knowledge of English, geography

and languages (Latin, French and German) was required during the rst attempts to

professionalize the job (Bainbridge 1984: 55). But this has not always been recognized

by the profession.

In fact, it was not until the rst decade of the 21st century that a number of

translation scholars gradually became concerned with the work of news translators.

ey have approached the issue from dierent perspectives and considered the vari-

ous media (i.e., Tsai 2006 and Conway 2010 have worked on television content; van

Doorslaer 2009 has worked on newspapers). But, although the borderlines between

news and translation as an area of study may have been crossed fairly recently (van

Doorslaer 2010: 180), the connection between news and translation can be traced back

to the birth of journalism itself. And yet translation has rarely been accounted for

within Journalism Studies, let alone given any relevance as part of the news produc-

tion process, even in the case of foreign news and foreign correspondents. Only

recently have media scholars considered the role of translation in news production

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 851 13-10-17 7:07 PM

852 Meta, LVII, 4, 2012

and dissemination. In 2011, a special issue of Journalism was devoted to the politics

of translation in the BBC World Service. e guest editors, who acknowledged that

media studies have been slow to deal with translational issues (Baumann, Gillespie

et al. 2011: 135), and no mention is made of the greater number of publications con-

cerning news translation authored by translation scholars other than a reference to

the proceedings of a conference held in Warwick, UK (Conway and Bassnett 2006).

Baumann, Gillespie et al. acknowledge the relevance of translation within the news

production process as the “translating journalists,” as they call text producers

(Baumann, Gillespie et al. 2011: 136), have greater freedom and editorial control over

the material they produce. Aer all, the huge number of texts journalists currently

create can escape the scrutiny of media owners and politicians more easily than in

the early years of journalism, when newspapers were closely monitored by govern-

ments and companies. In addition to this, and echoing Sabir Mustafa, the head of

the Bengali service of the BBC, Podkalicka has referred to news companies where

translation is the main activity as translation factories (Podkalicka 2011: 146).

e next sections explore the complex connections between news dissemination,

languages and translation from the 17th century onwards. ey focus on the evolu-

tion of the role of translation over the centuries: the linguistic and cultural transfor-

mations carried out in 17th- and 18th-century Europe as a result of an interest in

foreign news, the importance of languages in the 19th century as newspapers hired

foreign correspondents and, nally, the industrialization process, which Fishman

(1980) has called “news manufacturing,” present in news agencies from the late 19th

century onwards. e paper will conclude with some remarks about how the Internet

has brought translation to the fore, even though it largely remains an invisible activ-

ity. In fact, it is much more so than literary or technical translation, except in the few

cases where the producers of the texts assert their rights as authors (discussed in this

issue, for example, by Hernández Guerrero).

2. A historic review of translation and journalism

Talking about the poet Robert Browning’s trips in Europe back in 1838, Bellos points

out that in the past the most likely way to receive news in the old continent was likely

to be in French (Bellos 2011: 241). However, well before the 19th century, at the very

outset of journalism, translation was already an integral part of the profession.

Journalism, let us bear in mind, was regarded as a second-rate trade, an option for

unworthy writers. Harris recalls that the “practice of journalism, particularly in

politics, continued to be regarded as one of the least respectable forms of literary

activity” (Harris 1987: 111) and in “the major news-carrying papers, in which the

role of the author was restricted largely to the menial tasks of translating and news-

gathering” (Harris 1987: 112).

Clarke recalls the role of Daniel Defoe as a journalist, which partly meant writ-

ing pamphlets in support of the political parties of his time, partly translating (Clarke

2004: 46-48). Clarke points out that Defoe “started his career in journalism by writ-

ing pamphlets loyal to the Whig cause” (Clarke 2004: 46-47), but underlines his

ability to be of service to both Whigs and Tories. Defoe oered his services to

Nathaniel Mist, editor of the Weekly Journal “in the disguise of a translator of the

foreign news” (Clarke 2004: 48) and his role was to tone down the attacks on the

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 852 13-10-17 7:07 PM

government. Defoe beneted from his knowledge of foreign languages to manipulate

the texts published in other countries. us he could support the party of his choice.

Before Defoe’s political writings for the Weekly Journal, journalism had been

linked to the thirst for news of wars and disasters. Dooley and Baron(2001) point

out that the irty Years War was at the origins of journalism. e conict originated

as a religious war during which countries changed sides on several occasions, oen

for economic and political reasons. England received news from continental Europe

in the form of pamphets, originally written in Dutch:

Printed news reports of the war in the form of gazettes, or corantos (oen rendered as

‘currents’ by contemporaries) began to be imported into England from the Low

Countries from the outset of hostilities in 1618. e corantos were single-sheet broad-

sheets printed in Dutch, (Dooley and Baron2001: 17)

or, as Brownlees puts it, in Low German (Brownlees 2006: 9). Because readers were

unable to read that language, they “soon began to get translation of the corantos’

contents reported in manuscript newsletters […] London Stationers set out the rst

English translations in 1620-21” (Dooley and Baron2001: 17-18). us, the English

version of the corantos did not carry much news about England. ey were factual

and with little editorial comment, mostly about continental Europe (Brownlees 2006:

9). As a consequence of these two facts, their popularity declined throughout the

years. Additionally, Dooley and Baronremind us that these pamphlets “were closely

monitored by the Privy Council, and were suspended completely between 1632 and

1638” (Dooley and Baron 2001: 18). Translation was an instrument of manipulation

of source texts. If the translated versions did not meet the expectations of the govern-

ments the publication was cancelled altogether.

Freedom of the press did not characterize 17th century England. e two main

publications of the late 17th century were the London Gazette and e Present State

of Europe; or, the Historical and Political Monthly Mercury, “which was started in in

July 1690 and reprinted in Edinburgh and Dublin” (Clarke 2004: 35). e most sig-

nicant feature of the lattter was that, once again, it was fundamentally a translation

from Dutch originals. eir texts provided an image of other European nations

through linguistic and cultural transformations. Clarke notes some curious facts

concerning the translational activity that characterized these publications. For

example, “six pages of the issue for August 1692, under the heading ‘Advices from

Rome and Italy,’ were given over entirely to a text of a Papal Bull printed in Latin,

with a further six pages taken up by the English translation, ‘for the satisfaction of

the Curious’” (Clarke 2004: 35). One can hardly imagine a reason for the decision to

include papal bulls other than to create an anti-Catholic mindset among its reader-

ship. ese translations were censored and references to England and English politics

were omitted.

In fact, some argue that the other publication mentioned above, the Gazette, was

expected to put pressure on the English against the Dutch or “iname all England

against the Dutch” (O’Malley 1986: 34). is process should be understood as part

of the national and empire-building process of the times: texts had to be carefully

written to agitate the English against their European neighbours. O’Malley recalls

some of the incidents concerning the journal in the last part of the 17th century as

the images of the Other (or hetero-images, as Beller and Leerssen call them [Beller

from the dutch corantos to convergence journalism 853

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 853 13-10-17 7:07 PM

854 Meta, LVII, 4, 2012

and Leerssen 2007: ]) were being promoted, not always very successfully. For

instance, in 1673 M.P.s expressed their anger at a report in the Gazette from Holland.

It was suggested that some of them were negotiating with the Dutch while Parliament

was not sitting.

For a long period the Gazette was also published in French. Bournerecalls that

this version got entangled in some controversy:

Down to 1696 at any rate, a version of the Gazette was issued in French – Gazette de

Londres, ‘publiée avec privilège.’ In 1678, as appears in the Commons’ Journal, the

printer got into trouble by mistranslating an important passage about popish recusants.

(Bourne 1887a: 41)

Monsieur Moranville, the man who translated the Gazette, was arrested and brought

before the Commons. He was accused of mistranslating one of the royal proclama-

tions related to the Popish Plot, thus promoting negative images of the English within

and outside the country (O’Malley 1986: 34). As O’Malley reminds us, “e Gazette

was part of a general attempt by the late Stuart regime to control the ow of informa-

tion to the reading public” (O’Malley 1986: 34) although he claims that this was not

necessarily negative in the sense that they control adequate information “from safe

orthodox sources” (O’Malley 1986: 34).

Before the 17th century was out a new publication came to exist, e Evening

Standard. In its early years, and partly due to

[F]ears that legislation controlling the press would be re-introduced (attempts were

made to re-introduce licensing in 1697, 1698, 1702, 1704 and 1712), the tri-weekly post

of the rst decade of the 18th century played very safe. (Clarke 2004: 42)

is meant that most of the texts published originated in continental Europe and little

space was devoted to national news. But who carried out these linguistic transforma-

tions? Clarke mentioned two bilingual Huguenots, Boyer and de Fonvive, who had ed

persecution in the continent and had settled in England. Translations continued to be

the staple diet of the next journalistic venture, e Daily Courant, the rst successful

English daily: “e rst number of e Daily Courant, dated 11 March 1702, consisted

solely of translations of one French paper and two Dutch papers. It was as if nothing

had changed since the days of Bourne, Butter and Archer” (Clarke 2004: 42).

As we moved further into the 18th century, newspapers relied less on foreign

news, as the country was no longer at war “and foreign news being costly in transla-

tion fees, there was little news to report” (Clarke 2004: 49). is, added to the taxes

introduced by the government, would lead to a certain decline of the incipient indus-

try. However, translation remained connected to the future of journalism, as the

majority of the daily publications, as well as the “thrice-weeklies” (Harris 1987: 159),

hired translators to tranfer the material coming from the Continent into English.

Although their work “may have involved translating original correspondence, the

bulk of the duties were probably made up of handling items from the foreign press”

(Harris 1987: 159). In fact, Harris argues, the Dutch reports provided the English

readership with more complete information about their own nation than local pub-

lications since the lack of freedom in the country did not allow London papers to

take risks (Harris 1987: 159).

e translational activity was not only limited to foreign news. Some publica-

tions also provided their readers with English versions of foreign ction. For

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 854 13-10-17 7:07 PM

example, in the 1720s the Original Weekly Journal oered a supplement with foreign

stories. On the other hand, some early newspapers even had a pedagogical objective,

such as the British Mercury, which was rendered into French “for the easier acquiring

of the French tongue,” and the Weekly Medley, whose text in French and English

made it “very useful for schools” that taught this language (Harris 1987: 194). And,

perhaps as Conboy suggests, the translation of foreign texts also depended on the

fact that news from Europe tended to be more sensationalist, more entertaining

(Conboy 2004: 24).

So far we have dealt with translation and journalism in England, but the thirst

for news, foreign and national, was also present in other European countries.

Ettinghausen underlines that from the Golden Age onwards the need for news was

also a characteristic of Spain (Ettinghausen 2001: 199). Initially the news was brought

to the country through regular postal services, which provided individuals with

information and, then, they “could, in their turn, further disseminate it in their cor-

respondence, while publishers could spread it, near and far, in printed news sheets

in prose or in verse which could in turn be reprinted elsewhere, if necessary in

translation” (Ettinghausen 2001: 199). e Spanish War of Succession, for instance,

was widely reported. Once again a war was responsible for a need for news, the same

as it is today (Fawcett 2002). In Catalonia gazettes translated from French into

Catalan were published in 1641 and 1642 (Ettinghausen 2001: 202).

Translation was also at the base of journalistic ventures in other parts of the

continent. In Scandinavia the rst newspapers appeared in the mid-17th century: in

1645 in Sweden and in 1657 in Denmark, whereas Norway and Finland did not have

their own news publications until the 18th century, as a consequence of their colonial

situation (Høyer 2003: 456). Once again the content of this rst publication was

transferred from foreign papers (Høyer 2003: 461), as is the case of the Berlingske,

whose content was “typically collected from foreign Gazettes and translated into

Danish” (Høyer 2003: 456).

Translators were among the rst sta members of Swedish papers as well (Høyer

2003: 457). e Ordinari Post-Tijdender, one of the rst newspapers on the continent,

depended heavily on translations from foreign sources. Ries recalls that the post

arrived from Germany on Fridays. Translators or editors had to transfer the infor-

mation from German into Swedish before the paper came out on Wednesdays “so

there would be ample time in which to complete the entire elaborate process – selec-

tion, translation, censorship, and printing” (Ries 2001: 242). Translation, as in

England, also allowed the editors to manipulate the information to comply with the

existing censorship in the area (Ries 2001: 241-247, 263). e Ordinari Post-Tijdender

had been commissioned by the Swedish government itself (Bandle 2005: 1355), which

had no interest in spreading domestic news. It reported on the irty Years’ War

and when it came to an end, the newspaper ceased to be published. As is the case

with most other newspapers of the period, the translations published by this paper

are dicult, if not impossible, to assess because there are few remaining copies of

the originals and their translated versions (Ries 2001: 243). us, we cannot draw

reliable conclusions from the strategies used during the editing process, i.e., omis-

sions, additions or reductions of the original content (Ries 2001: 243). is is the

same terminology used when discussing the transformation of contemporary news

texts.

from the dutch corantos to convergence journalism 855

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 855 13-10-17 7:07 PM

856 Meta, LVII, 4, 2012

Another successful Scandinavian newspaper, the Extraordinaires Maanedlige

Relationer, was published in Denmark. According to Ries, in January 1673 its contents

were for the most part translations: out of forty-seven news items

[…] forty-three were translations into Danish […] twenty-two of those news items are

literal translations, whereas the remaining twenty-one are reformulations, updates,

extensions, or summaries of between three and thirteen items about important events

covered at various stages during the past month and, most important, because it has

been possible to identify his sources for all of them. (Ries 2001: 253)

It is indeed remarkable that Ries has been able to trace each of the forty-three

reports in the Extraordinaires Maanedlige Relationer for January 1673, while in con-

temporary news translation scholarship it is oen impossible to locate the source

texts of what is clearly a translation. Ries writes that it is easy

[…] to see how the editor decided to dress the “nudam puellam” of the original

Hamburg report, rst in his own German version in the Extraordinaires Relationes aus

Allerley Orten and then in Danish, processes which involved personal judgment, deci-

sion, and action by the editor, and which contributed to the creation of images of

persons or nations in the minds of his readers. (Ries 2001: 253)

Ries stresses that their licenses did not allow them to carry out such important

transformations of the texts, but rather to provide faithful versions of the originals

(Ries 2001: 254). Sometimes the reports only needed a small change to oer a very

dierent interpretation of the news event. For example, he quotes one particular text

that translated a report “from Stockholm about how very pleased ‘all (!) the king’s

subjects’ were at his assumption of absolute power, in the Danish translation acquired

an exclamation mark aer the word ‘all’” (Ries 2001: 255-256). Ries argues that it

could be anything from a typographical error, an intentional addition or a Freudian

slip (Ries 2001: 255-256), but also mentions that the editor had introduced an excla-

mation mark in other cases. It is remarkable how the news producer, by applying

such a small modication to the original, could impose an entirely dierent approach

to the news event.

3. Foreign correspondents and foreign languages

e history of journalism may have begun as accounts of people and events in foreign

lands, which, as we have seen, involved translating and editing foreign texts rather

than sending reporters to the foreign land itself. As newspapers increased their diet

of domestic news, reporters proper began to occupy the positions of editors and

translators. It was not until the 19th century that the new companies began to employ

foreign correspondents (Bourne 1887b: 136; Høyer 2003: 457). Writing in the 19th

century, Bourne claimed that English newspapers prided themselves in having cor-

respondents in foreign nations (Bourne 1887b: 237) such as France, Prussia and

Russia. Sending journalists abroad was tantamount to the economic and political

importance of the newspaper. is meant that a knowledge of foreign languages was

regarded as necessary. Hohenberg mentions that in 1792 the Times of London adver-

tised for “a gentleman who is capable of translating the French language” to be based

outside the country (Hohenberg 1995: 3). However, a knowledge of languages was

oen superseded by the seniority of the members of the sta in order to decide on

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 856 13-10-17 7:07 PM

assignments abroad. is characterizes journalism even today. As Hess stresses,

language and knowledge of the cultures where journalists are assigned is oen sec-

ondary to experience within the company (Hess 1996: 80). He recalls an ad for the

Washington Post where language skills were mentioned but emphasized that “we seek

people who have a demonstrated track record over a number of years” (Hess 1996:

80). In other cases, a knowledge of foreign languages was regarded as a nuisance, as

was the case with a French journalist who worked for the Paris Herald and whose

articles had to be translated into English (Laney 1947/1968: 92).

To cope with the lack of languages, journalists developed various methods to

translate news events. In his 600-page book about the profession, Robert Neal, a

journalist himself, mentioned that one of the main challenges for foreign correspon-

dents was the language of the country from where they reported. Among his recom-

mendations, the following might be one of the most extraordinary ways in which the

journalistic profession has attempted to solve the problem of communication when

more than one language is involved:

A speech handled in this second-hand fashion had better be put largely in paraphrase

rather than in direct quotation. Usually there are three or four ways in which a state-

ment can be translated, each with a dierent shade of meaning, and the translator will

give a version with the tone he himself favored rather than the slightly yet perhaps

importantly dierent one the speaker had in mind.

If he arrived too late to catch an assistant, the reporter at least can take note on the

times the audience reacted most vigorously and aer the speech can ask an obviously

intelligent listener to summarize those high spots. Not knowing the language doesn’t

mean not getting the story. (Neal 1940: 96)

Apart from this unusual approach, foreign correspondents began to rely on transla-

tions carried out by local sta employed by their company, either on a permanent or

temporary basis. When working with languages in which “the expatriate correspon-

dents were oen not procient, translation can also be a signicant part of the work

of local employees” (Hannerz2004: 153). ese writers might even produce material

for the company that employs them as translators. In fact, doing translation work is

regarded as valuable experience to become a reporter: “Doing a little bit of everything,

but especially translating and interpreting, as a local employee in a sojourner cor-

respondent’s oce can thus be an apprenticeship, a stepping-stone to a journalistic

career” (Hannerz2004: 153). Writing about the Tokyo oce of e Washington Post,

Hannerz mentions the case of a Japanese journalist who translated but also wrote for

the newspaper. As journalism became a more respectable profession, activities like

translation were gradually relegated to a secondary position, oen at the same level

as teacup washing: “Now there was also a new, very bright Japanese woman on the

sta; she had been told that she could do some interviews and writing for the paper

but must also be prepared to wash teacups” (Hannerz2004: 153). On the other hand,

if necessary, Hannerz notes, journalists and their companies can turn to commercial

translation services. A good example of this is El País, the Spanish leading newspaper,

whose commercial agreements with other international news companies allows the

publication of major op-ed columns such as those written by Nobel Prize laureate

Paul Krugman, rendered into Spanish by a translation company, whose work is duly

acknowledged. However, this practice is unusual in news production, as we shall see

in the next section.

from the dutch corantos to convergence journalism 857

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858 Meta, LVII, 4, 2012

As the previous discussion demonstrates, in the 20th and 21st centuries foreign

correspondents also rely on translation in one way or another. Major newspapers like

the New York Times have the greatest number of reporters abroad (Kruglak 1955: 24).

Hess stresses that some foreign correspondents work rst as translators, like Linda

Gradstein for the Washington Post (Hess 1996: 69) or Nick Driver (Hess 1996: 15). In

fact, Hess suggests that much of the work done by foreign correspondents could be

done from their headquarters (Hess 2005: 9, 128) because “given the world trend to

outsourcing, could foreign correspondence by translation not be done at headquarters

or through wire services?” (Hess 2005: 128). e foreign correspondents of some

media are what Erickson and Hamilton label “the home-based foreign correspon-

dent” or “the foreign correspondent with a global beat who lives within driving

distance of his or her newpaper” (Erickson and Hamilton 2007: 138), that is, journal-

ists who do not leave the country and whose main task is to translate and to edit the

information gathered from various sources such as agencies or others news media.

ey rely on translation to do their job, in a more invisible way than foreign corre-

spondents abroad, especially for papers like the Washington Post, because they no

longer have permanent reporters outside their country of origin.

Journalists require knowledge of languages to perform their duties (Hess 1996:

79-86), either at home or abroad, for the major languages, whereas interpreters and

translators can be required for lesser-known languages. A reporter working in

Central Europe may have a working knowledge of German, but they are less likely

to be able to work with Hungarian (Hess 1996: 84), or non-Western languages like

Chinese, which can aect the production of a news story. For example, speaking of

Bayard Taylor’s reporting on the Taiping rebellion for the Tribune, Hohenberg writes

that he had no command of the language and was not knowledgeable about the his-

tory and culture of the country so he was not aware of the importance of the story

(Hohenberg 1995: 21). e event, which aected much of China in the mid-19th

century, would eventually evolve in such a way that it meant the death of 20,000

defenders of Nanking. Taylor had to resort to local translators:

[t]he best he could do in preparing a few pieces for the Tribune was to visit Shanghai,

obtain translations of some of the articles about the ghting in the local papers aer

he landed there, and put together what turned out to be the initial published account

in the United States of the Taiping rebellion. (Hohenberg 1995: 21)

In other cases, journalists reporting from countries with limited freedom are

forced to rely on translations provided by national services (Hachten and Scotton

2007: 70-71), but in these cases translators are rarely adequate (Legum and Cornwell

1978: 66). is becomes even more problematic when the reporting is done from

countries under dictatorial regimes. Desmond recalls that during the rst years of

Communist rule in the USSR,

[i]f the correspondent required the assistance of a secretary, translator, courier or chauf-

feur, a native of the country had to be obtained through the usual channels. Such an

assistance’s own life then depended, perhaps literally, upon his or her rst loyalty to

the Communist regime. (Desmond 1982: 34)

So there were numerous reasons to doubt the accuracy of the translation.

Before we conclude this section let us underline that today a working knowledge

of the language and culture is essential in the work of foreign reporters, in spite of

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 858 13-10-17 7:07 PM

the tendency of media companies to value seniority over everything else. Fortunately,

Hohenberg believes, the importance of knowing the language and culture of the

foreign country has gradually become part of the training programmes of many

universities (Hohenberg 1995: 322). On the other hand, Leiter, Harriss and Johnson

recommend a “broad knowledge of the English language” (Leiter, Harriss and

Johnson 2000: 10) but also recognize the need for a foreign language – Spanish, for

example. is language would facilitate the job of a reporter working even in the

United States “where there is a large Latin American population, such as in southern

Florida, the southwestern states or southern California” (Leiter, Harriss and Johnson

2000: 11). For his part, Hess stresses that “language prociency should even be a

factor in determining the most useful length of overseas assignments” because

English “is not always the most useful or ecient way of communicating” (Hess 1996:

86). It is so much so that some news agencies like the AP might even pay for the

language training of their employees (Hess 1996: 81). us, news agencies are return-

ing to their origins.

4. Recycled news

Bielsa and Bassnett’s recent study of news agencies explores the role of translation in

the construction and dissemination of news texts from a sociological approach. As

they point out, the rst news agency was, indeed, a translation service. e French

company Havas, created in 1832, was rst and foremost a translation agency that

transformed foreign texts for the French media (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009: 39; Bielsa

2010: 32) and, above all, for embassies, government agencies and banks (Hamilton

and Jenner 2004: 309). Havas later became a full-edged news agency under the name

of Agence France Presse (Alleyne 1997: 6). Towards the late 19th century and early

20th century, Havas was regarded as a European monopoly from the other side of the

Atlantic. e Americans believed that the news industry was in the hands of a few

European news agencies, Reuters of England, Havas of Frances and Wolf of Germany

(Kruglak 1955: 18). But American agencies were gradually gaining momentum. is

was particularly true during World War I. Hohenberg recalls that “What they [US

agencies] wrote [about the war] for their papers in substance was picked up and spread

to the world either through wire services or syndicated arrangements or simply cop-

ied with acknowledgments of source” (Hohenberg 1995: 31). As we have seen, apart

from the New York Times and its principal rivals, no other media could aord to send

their own foreign correspondents to the conict, so “American newspapers were able

to get what little foreign news they published from their wire services – the AP, the

UP, and the Hearst services, INS and Universal Service” (Hohenberg 1995: 154).

But, as we have seen, as the journalistic profession evolved from a linguistic

transformation of foreign texts to a fully independent activity, translation was rele-

gated to a secondary position, even within news agencies, where language transfor-

mations (both intra and interlinguistic) represented the core of the journalists’ work.

In his survey of foreign correspondents and news agencies in the 1950s, Kruglak

found that even though journalists acknowledged the importance of languages in

their profession, a working knowledge of a foreign language remained secondary,

and news agency workers had the least uency of those working in the profession,

although “the news agencies, which in past years did not consider knowledge of

from the dutch corantos to convergence journalism 859

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 859 13-10-17 7:07 PM

860 Meta, LVII, 4, 2012

foreign language important in assigning correspondents abroad, are changing their

attitudes” (Kruglak1955: 65). In fact, in the mid-20th century US news agencies had

the greatest number of foreign correspondents: 169 as opposed to 69 sent by news-

papers (Kruglak1955: 72). ese gures do not include the editor, “the translators,

or the other members of the bureaus who are primarily engaged in preparing mate-

rial for local consumption” (Kruglak1955: 72).

Aer World War II the power of international agencies increased. Splichal

reports that, during this period, ve global agencies were the source of 80% of the

information received by national news agencies and media throughout the world:

AP, UPI, Reuters, AFP and TASS (Splichal 1984: 190). As we can see, the German

agency Wolf disappeared from the picture, two American companies joined the top

ve, and Soviet TASS, which distributed news for the Communist bloc, became the

h company in importance, although in countries like China things were somehow

dierent. Since the relations with the Soviet Union were dicult, the Chinese relied

on Western agencies. Desmond recalls that Communist newspapers in the country

could not aord to subscribe to Reuters, so the practice was “to translate and rewrite

news from foreign-language publications appearing in Hong Kong, Shanghai, and

Tientsin, but oen done without notable accuracy and with inevitable delay in the

news report” (Desmond 1982: 187).

In fact, this trend is so widespread that news writers producing material for the

major international news agencies “can expect to nd their writing published, in

translation, in a great many languages (although seldom credited to them person-

ally)” (Hannerz 2004: 78). is can partly be explained because of the absence of

international copyright laws that assert the rights of news writers, as they do in the

case of literary writers, proving that the activity may have become a respectable

profession but the value attached to the job of a journalist remains similar to the

early days. Another important factor is the small number of US and European agen-

cies that have become the main global news providers. For example, the principal

Latin American publications depend on news wires by Reuters or the Associated

Press (Ferreira2006: 131).

Another important issue concerning the role of translation in news dissemina-

tion concerns the ideological manipulation of the texts by news agencies and news

companies (Fortner 1994: 29; Ang, Hawkins et al. 2008: 26-27, 183), and what Conway

calls in his paper for this volume “cultural translation.” On the one hand, translation

can allow news writers and editors to transform the content in order to suit the posi-

tion of the company they work for. On the other, as English has become the dominant

international world language, its linguistic supremacy also entails ideological impo-

sition. In the second half of the 20th century, Legum and Cornwell reported on the

problems of language choices for problematic terms such as “terrorism” (Legum and

Cornwell 1978: 64) and on the problems of English in general (Legum and Cornwell

1978: 66). In their view, “the dominant role of the English language through the big

Western agencies is a matter of concern to many ird World countries” (Legum and

Cornwell 1978: 66). In fact, in his study of the four major Western news agencies,

Boyd-Garrett (1980) concluded that they set the agenda for the smaller national ones,

let alone regional and local media (Hamer 2006). For his part, van Ginneken believes

that non-Anglophone national agencies have limited inuence overseas, including

those in major languages or belonging to major economies, such as the German,

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 860 13-10-17 7:07 PM

Spanish and Japanese ones. Even the French have complained about the loss of power

of their own media (van Ginneken 1998: 46) to the benet of Anglophone corpora-

tions. Van Ginneken notes, for example, that the Anglo-American monopoly was

responsible for spoiling the traditional good relations between France and the Arab

world during the Gulf war due to “allied misinformation” (van Ginneken 1998: 46).

To counter the pernicious eects of the major agencies, there have been attempts to

create alternative companies that take into account not only the interests of the Anglo-

American world. Splichal tells us the story of a pool of agencies created in the 1970s

by a number of non-aligned countries in order to share information outside the ve

major agencies (Splichal 1984: 191-193). However, this venture was not suciently

funded and the political turmoil that caused the collapse of communism also put an

end to the pool, which had been led by a Yugoslav company. In other cases, smaller

regional media may ignore the news gathered and translated by national companies

and turned to their own sources (Ang, Hawkins et al. 2008: 26-27).

Leaving aside ideological considerations, translation poses linguistic and cultural

diculties to the journalist/translator (Ang, Hawkins et al. 2008: 80). Noblet, who

worked for e Associated Press, has pointed out the need to be knowledgeable in

other languages: “We deliver our news in ve dierent languages – ve languages

other than English. And then, of course, any number of news outlets take our reports

and translate them into other languages” (Noblet 2001: 55). He recognizes that work-

ing with other languages can be a problem. Recalling the O. J. Simpson’s trials, Noblet

mentions expressions like “playing hardball” and “bottom of the ninth” because they

“don’t translate to your audience in Budapest; you always have to x those. Lou

Gehrig’s disease is only a disease in the United States. If you want to explain to

somebody overseas, you have to give it its proper name, and then put (comma), ‘which

Americans refer to as Lou Gehrig’ ” (Noblet 2001: 58). One may even doubt whether

the latter is at all necessary, but what is clear is that, as Bellos has pointed out, “the

language operations performed in news agency work are perhaps of particular inter-

est because they are predicated not only on the total invisibility of translation, but

also on anonymity and impersonality” (Bellos 2009: 402).

5. News in the Internet age

As the 20th century drew to a close a new revolution was about to change the dis-

semination of information. What began as a platform to share military information

(Curran and Seaton 2003: 239-240) gave way to a new phase of the post-industrial

society that Bell (1973) had described in the 1970s. In the 21st century news circulates

faster than ever before, but also more than ever before online journalism, news is

about writing and rewriting agency stories. In his study of online journalism in ve

online German newspapers, Quandt found out that “most of the time, the journalists

are just regrouping, editing, and ne-tuning news agency stories” (Quandt 2008: 86).

In a few minutes they have to adapt agency material, with additional writing, editing

and publishing (Quandt 2008: 86). Most of this material has been translated at some

point or another.

Bruns claims that in the “post-industrial Internet age” (Bruns 2008: 174) media

companies are being challenged by other less institutionalized news producers. He

speaks of a movement from gatekeeping (the traditional concept that applies to the

from the dutch corantos to convergence journalism 861

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 861 13-10-17 7:07 PM

862 Meta, LVII, 4, 2012

selection process of news material, discussed by Floros in this issue) to gatewatching

(Bruns 2008: 176-180) as “the collective intelligence and knowledge of dedicated com-

munities to lter the newsow and debate salient topics of importance to the com-

munity” (Bruns 2008: 176-177). He refers to Wikipedia as an example of collaborative

work (Bruns 2008: 179), where translation, adaptation and editing are uniquely related.

But the advent of the Internet and the appearance of convergence journalism,

which implies the use of multiple resources and media to disseminate the news has

not been unproblematic. Traditional journalists tend to look down on their online

colleagues in the same way as writers had despised journalists in the early years of

the profession. Researchers have reported tensions between print and online journal-

ists in Ireland (Cawley 2008: 45-60), Argentina (García 2008: 61-75) and Belgium

(Colson and Heinderyckx 2008: 143-154). In their study of journalistic practices in

Belgian convergence newsrooms Colson and Heinderyckx argue that “despite their

central location in the middle of the newsroom, online journalists were largely

ignored” (Colson and Heinderyckx 2008: 148).

Another problem that has become more apparent in the era of digital informa-

tion is the ideological bias of news companies, including those with a reputation for

impartial reporting, such as the much-respected BBC, which has also been criticized

for a lack of impartiality (Sturkey 2007: 95; Jaber and Baumann 2011). is has caused

the appearance of alternative media that can provide an international audience with

dierent perspectives of news events. One such venture is Al-Jazeera, the Qatari news

service that challenged Anglophone media, rst in Arabic, and from 2006 also in

English: “Al-Jazeera’s motive, in launching its own English-language international

service, was inevitably to counter any inuence of CNN among Anglophones”

(Sturkey 2007: 125). State-owned and not uncontroversial, Al-Jazeera oers an

Internet news portal in more than one language (English and Arabic), as do other

national news media such as France 24 (in French, English and Arabic), the BBC (in

27 languages other than English) or Deutsche Welle (which oers a total of thirty

languages). Translation is also at the basis of supranational portals like Euronews,

which currently oers its news content in twelve languages.

However, this variety of languages and companies has also been challenged by

many groups with the creation of alternative media such as the ohmynews in South

Korea. Perhaps because, as Sturkey claims, “the world and its people may – in the

near future, at least – be simply too heterogeneous to succumb completely to global-

ization” (Sturkey 2007: 125), new digital media can oer what traditional media

cannot. Perhaps because, as Khang has shown, the complex interplay of the “subjec-

tivities of institutional translators and editors” (Kang 2007: 224) does not meet the

thirst for reliable news of all readers. Curran and Seaton suggest that the need for a

new medium could give voice to many and diverse participants. But such a venture

would take time and money, and translation would be one of the detrimental factors

for the creation of such a medium as only an organization like the United Nations

would be able to aord it (Curran and Seaton 2003: 401). Or, we may add, organiza-

tions which attract large numbers of volunteers.

Many other issues could have been mentioned in this brief overview of the rela-

tionship between news and translation. But irrespective of the changes that have

characterized the evolution of journalism as a profession, translation has remained

central: from the times when Dutch corantos were translated (physically and cultur-

01.Meta 57.4.final.indd 862 13-10-17 7:07 PM

ally) into English to contemporary societies, where the news spreads digitally and

globally in a much more rapid manner. e papers in this volume will contribute, we

hope, to shed some light on the interconnection between these two processes, news

production and news translation.

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