“The Vehicle Was a Hockey Game”: A Holistic Approach to Aging for

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“The Vehicle Was a Hockey Game”: A Holistic Approach to Aging “The Vehicle Was a Hockey Game”: A Holistic Approach to Aging

for Older Men for Older Men

Ryan Tomaselli

University of Windsor

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“THE VEHICLE WAS A HOCKEY GAME”: A HOLISTIC APPROACH TO AGING

FOR OLDER MEN

Ryan Tomaselli

A Thesis

Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies

through the Department of Kinesiology

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of Master of Human Kinetics

at the University of Windsor

Windsor, Ontario, Canada

2022

“THE VEHICLE WAS A HOCKEY GAME”: A HOLISTIC APPROACH TO AGING

FOR OLDER MEN

Ryan Tomaselli

APPROVED BY:

_____________________________________________________

C.J. Greig

Faculty of Education

_____________________________________________________

C.G. Greenham

Department of Kinesiology

_____________________________________________________

P.M. van Wyk, Advisor

Department of Kinesiology

January 25

, 2022

iii!

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY

I hereby certify that I am the sole author of this thesis and that no part of this thesis

has been published or submitted for publication.

I certify that, to the best of my knowledge, my thesis does not infringe upon

anyone’s copyright nor violate any proprietary rights and that any ideas, techniques,

quotations, or any other material from the work of other people included in my thesis,

published or otherwise, are fully acknowledged in accordance with the standard

referencing practices. Furthermore, to the extent that I have included copyrighted material

that surpasses the bounds of fair dealing within the meaning of the Canada Copyright Act,

I certify that I have obtained a written permission from the copyright owner(s) to include

such material(s) in my thesis and have included copies of such copyright clearances to my

appendix.

I declare that this is a true copy of my thesis, including any final revisions, as

approved by my thesis committee and the Graduate Studies office, and that this thesis has

not been submitted for a higher degree to any other University or Institution.

iv!

ABSTRACT

The many benefits of physical activity are well established. Nonetheless, there remains a

need for qualitative research on aging and sports focused on the normalization of sport

for older adults, and the increased opportunity for sport participation in older age. Aging

and sport research, which has primarily focussed on older elite athletes, has found older

adults value health-related benefits, social interaction, and resistance of the aging process

through sport participation. However, research examining a broader scope of specific

sport participation, such as hockey, in older age may provide a distinguished

understanding of participation tied to meaning and lifestyle factors. Therefore, the

primary objectives of this study were to understand 1) how participating in hockey in

later life influences the aging experience, and 2) meaning and motivation for hockey

participation in older age. Semi-structured interviews were administrated to 10 Canadian

men aged 50 years or older who continued to participate in hockey. Through thematic

analysis of the interviews, eight themes were identified: 1) physical ability and injuries,

2) social interaction and camaraderie, 3) relationship of hockey and PAL, 4) competition

and leisure, 5) youthfulness, 6) identity and pride, 7) accessibility and opportunity, and

8) mental/cognitive health. Through the interpretation of the results, an Active Aging

Wheel of Engagement approach was presented. Overall, hockey was more than a mere

physical activity, it was a multi-faceted contributor to many aspects of these older men’s

lives as it fulfilled several of their self-perceived motivations and desires. The

participants conceptualized hockey as an all-encompassing approach to successful aging,

perceiving the sport as a healthy and integral physically active leisure in their lives, rather

than a risky and dangerous endeavor in later life.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project would not be possible without a great deal of dedication and effort from

others. I would like to thank the following for their contributions.

Dr. Paula van Wyk – for your commitment, perseverance, and guidance. You always

seemed to have the answer I was searching for or the clarity I needed in the hardest times.

You always brought out the confidence in myself and knew humour was often the best

approach. I cannot praise your work ethic and talent as a researcher enough, but the

friendship we developed is the greatest takeaway from my experience. You were the one

who encouraged me to take this step in my life, and for that, I am forever grateful.

Drs. Christopher Greig and Craig Greenham - for your exquisite knowledge,

enthusiasm, and perspectives in the great game of hockey. Your fandom and extensive

backgrounds in hockey have been invaluable contributions to this project. Keep your

sticks on the ice!

Dr. Sean Horton – for your consistent interest and encouragement throughout the

development of this project. You have been an ever-present staple during my time as

graduate student. I am extremely fortunate to have had your wisdom and support since

day one.

Family and Friends – Thank you for always being there throughout this journey and

providing comfort and company during what has been some of the craziest years ever.

Special thanks to the participants who volunteered to share their experiences. I greatly

appreciated you taking time out of your day as well as listening to your stories. I may

need to use all of your valuable advice one day on the ice.

vi!

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY .............................................................................. iii

ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................... iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................v

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. ix

LIST OF FIGURES .............................................................................................................x

LIST OF APPENDICES .................................................................................................... xi

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................... xii

NOMENCALATURE ...................................................................................................... xiii

RESEARCH ARTICLE .......................................................................................................1

1.0 Introduction ....................................................................................................................1

1.1 Purpose Statement ................................................................................................... 11

1.2 Research Questions ................................................................................................. 11

1.2.1 Central Question .............................................................................................. 11

1.2.2 Sub-Questions .................................................................................................. 11

2.0 Methodology ................................................................................................................13

2.1 Qualitative Approach .............................................................................................. 13

2.2 The Researcher’s Role ............................................................................................ 17

2.3 Participants .............................................................................................................. 18

2.4 Data Collection Procedures ..................................................................................... 20

2.5 Data Analysis .......................................................................................................... 24

2.6 Data Interpretation .................................................................................................. 26

3.0 Results ..........................................................................................................................28

3.1 The Wellness Wheel Concept ................................................................................. 30

3.2 Physical Ability and Injuries ................................................................................... 34

vii!

3.3 Social Interaction and Camaraderie ........................................................................ 39

3.4 Competition and Leisure ......................................................................................... 48

3.5 Youthfulness ........................................................................................................... 56

3.6 Identity and Pride .................................................................................................... 61

3.7 Accessibility and Opportunity ................................................................................ 65

4.0 Discussion ....................................................................................................................72

5.0 Literature Review .........................................................................................................89

5.1 Older Adults and Physical Activity ........................................................................ 89

5.1.1 Aging Populations ............................................................................................ 89

5.1.2 Aging and Physical Activity ............................................................................ 94

5.1.3 Aging and Sport ............................................................................................... 97

5.1.4 Opinions, Perspectives, and Experiences of Older Adults on Physical Activity

Pursuits .................................................................................................................... 102

5.1.5 The Motivation and Meaning for Sport Participation and Physical Activity

Engagement in Later Life ....................................................................................... 104

5.1.6 Addressing Heterogeneity: The Future of Physically Active Leisure for Older

Adults ...................................................................................................................... 111

5.1.7 Physical Literacy and Older Adults ............................................................... 117

5.2 Ice Hockey ............................................................................................................ 121

5.2.1 The History and Identity of Ice Hockey in Canada ....................................... 121

5.2.2 Recreational Ice Hockey ................................................................................ 127

5.2.3 Health Implications of Ice Hockey ................................................................ 130

References ........................................................................................................................136

Appendices .......................................................................................................................162

Appendix A – Semi-Structured Interview Guide ........................................................ 162

Appendix B – Demographic Questionnaire ................................................................ 164

Appendix C – Relationship of Hockey and PAL ........................................................ 166

viii!

Appendix D – Mental/Cognitive Health ..................................................................... 172

Appendix E – Additional information related to themes that emerged ...................... 180

Hockey Identity – the Canadian aspect: a secondary facet ..................................... 180

Hockey is dangerous and risky: a myth or misunderstanding? ............................... 182

Vita Auctoris ....................................................................................................................187

ix!

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Participant Demographics………………………………………………….

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Active Aging Wheel of Engagement…………………………………….

xi!

LIST OF APPENDICES

Appendix A: Semi-Structured Interview Guide

Appendix B: Demographic Questionnaire

Appendix C: Relationship of Hockey and PAL

Appendix D: Mental/Cognitive Health

Appendix E: Additional information related to themes that emerged

xii!

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ACSM: American College of Sports Medicine

BMI: Body Mass Index

CAPL: Canadian Association of Physical Literacy

CARHA: Canadian Adult Recreational Hockey Association

CBC: Canadian Broadcasting Corporation

COVID-19: Coronavirus

EU: European Union

HRmax: Maximum Heart Rate

IPLA: International Physical Literacy Association

MET: Metabolic Equivalent

NHL: National Hockey League

PA: Physical Activity

PAL: Physically Active Leisure

PL: Physical Literacy

WFCU: Windsor Family Credit Union

WHO: World Health Organization

WMG: World Masters Games

WWII: Second World War

xiii!

NOMENCALATURE

Active Aging: Used to describe individual or collective strategies for optimizing health,

social participation, and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age,

particularity conceptualized as policies or programs.

Anaerobic Physical Activity: Brief intense bursts of exercise, such as sprinting, where

oxygen demand surpasses oxygen supply.

Baby Boom: Increases in birth rate across a specific period of time (i.e., 1946-1965).

Body Mass Index (BMI): A term to indicate a predicted measurement of body fat using

two other factors: Weight (kg) / Height (m)

Exercise: Structured physical activity that requires effort to perform and is completed

with the purpose of improving physical fitness and overall health.

Ice Hockey: A fast contact sport played on an ice surface, generally between two teams

of six skaters, who attempt to drive a small rubber disk (puck) into the opposing net.

Light-Intensity Physical Activity: Any physical activity that is performed between 1.5-

to-3 METs and does not result in substantial increase in heart or breathing. For example,

slow walking and bathing.

Leisure: How one chooses to spend their free time. Leisure activities may be active (e.g.,

golf, fishing) or passive (e.g., reading, meditating).

Masters Sport: Individual or team competition for older adults, in which participants

compete against others (or themselves) within the same age range.

Middle-aged Adult: Although age categories can be widely debated, a middle-aged adult

typically falls within the range of 45-to-64 years. For the purposes of this study, middle-

aged adult will incorporate an individual who is 50-to-64 years of age.

xiv!

Metabolic equivalent (MET): A physiological measure expressing the intensity of

physical activities. One MET is the energy equivalent expended by an individual while

seated at rest.

Moderate-Intensity Physical Activity: Any physical activity that is performed between

3-to-6 METs. On a scale relative to an individual’s personal capacity, moderate-intensity

is usually a 5 or 6 on a scale of 0-to-10.

Quantitative data: The value of data in the form of counts and numbers, and is

independent from opinions, feelings, or interpretations.

Older Adult: For the purposes of the study, an older adult is defined as any individual 65

years of age or older.

Physical Activity: Any bodily movement that entails energy expenditure. Examples

include sport, exercise, and labour work.

Physical Literacy: A lifecourse approach to assess and promote physical activity,

defined by the International Physical Literacy Association (2017) as, “the motivation,

confidence, physical competence, knowledge, and understanding to value and take

responsibility for engagement in physical activities for life”.

Physical Activity Leisure (PAL): The collection of behaviours related to physical

activity that individuals engage in during their free time, including physical activity,

exercise, sport, and active leisure pursuits.

Population Aging: The increasing percentage of older adults within a population.

Recreational Ice Hockey: Formal or informal ice hockey, generally similar to the

professional game in terms of play and rules with some exceptions, but (for the purposes

of this study) is reserved for older individuals or players that have surpassed their allotted

xv!

time in organized ice hockey. Formal recreational hockey can be considered organized

adult leagues and tournaments that have timed games, set teams, and track scores and

statistics. Informal recreational hockey would be considered games played for ‘fun’ and

have fluid participation, also often regarded as ‘pick up’ hockey.

Sport: Activities performed within a set of rules and undertaken as part of leisure or

competition. Examples include track and field, golf, and ice hockey.

Qualitative Data: Non-numerical data that approximates and characterizes through

observations and recordings. Often derived from individual’s opinions and perspectives

of their own experiences.

Vigorous/High-Intensity Physical Activity: Any physical activity that is performed at

6.1 METS or greater. On a scale relative to an individual’s personal capacity, vigorous-

intensity is usually a 7 or 8 on a scale of 0-to-10.

RESEARCH ARTICLE

1.0 Introduction

The world has been experiencing seeing an extraordinary shift towards an aging

population as almost every country is experiencing growth among the older segment of

their populace (United Nations, 2019). In the year 2019, one for every 11 people in the

world were aged 65 years and older, representing 9 per cent of the global population

(United Nations, 2019). Similar to global trends, projections estimate that older adult

(i.e., aged 65 years and older) Canadians will increase from 17.2 percent of the national

population in the year 2018, to as high as 23.4 percent and 29.5 percent in the years 2030

and 2068, respectively (Statistics Canada, 2019a). Two notable facts: older adult

Canadians outnumber children aged 0 – 14 years; and, the number of centenarians

(person aged 100 years and older) has surpassed 10,000 nationwide (Fitzpatrick, 2019;

Statistics Canada, 2018). The synergistic influence of key contributors is responsible for

this recent population aging, including such factors as lower fertility rates, increase in

longevity, impact of major historical events (i.e., Baby Boom), and international

migration (United Nations, 2015). Thus, the wide range of ramifications as a result of

population aging will require strategies for adapting and understanding the anticipated

changes related to economics, politics, sociality, and healthcare (Guarino, 2018; United

Nations, 2019).

Accompanied by the trend of global population aging, the average life expectancy

at birth in the world has increased, rising to 72.6 years in the year 2019 and projected to

reach 77.1 years in the year 2050 (United Nations, 2019). However, the increased

longevity of life calls to question whether quality of life is sacrificed for greater quantity

of life as the majority of gains in life expectancy will be spent living with four or more

chronic conditions (e.g., cancer, hypertension, depression) and declining functional health

(Kingston et al., 2018; Statistics Canada, 2015a). Specifically, the difference in life

expectancy at birth and health-adjusted life expectancy at birth (expected years living in

good health) is approximately 10.5 years for Canadians, thus, emphasizing the challenge

of prolonging healthy life years (Statistics Canada, 2015a). Subsequently, there will be a

requirement for significant adjustments to negotiate with greater demands for healthcare

resources, social support systems, and income supplementation for the older portion of

the population (Parkinson et al., 2015), such as strategies encouraging behavioural

changes in relation to lifestyle choices (Peel et al., 2005). One behaviour in particular is

engaging in physical activity.

Engaging in physical activity can provide a multitude of benefits for older adults,

including prevention of chronic disease (Chodozko-Zajko et al., 2009; Warburton et al.,

2006), maintenance of physical and cognitive functioning (Chodozko-Zajko et al., 2009;

Gajewski & Falkenstein, 2016), psychosocial well-being (Chodozko-Zajko et al., 2009;

Gayman et al., 2017b), and higher rated quality of life (Acree et al., 2006; Figueria et al.,

2012). Physical activity engagement among older adults has the added benefit of

reducing expenses on healthcare resources (Azagba & Sharaf, 2014). However, older

adults remain the most inactive cohort (Azagba & Sharaf, 2014; Colley et al., 2011).

Although a reported 98 percent of the older population understand the health benefits of

physical activity, there is discrepancy between action and knowledge (Ory et al., 2003).

For example, approximately only 12 percent of older Canadians meet the Canadian

Physical Activity Guideline of 150 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (in

10-minute periods/bouts) per week (Statistics Canada 2015b). Thus, the majority of this

population are exposed to the negative health outcomes of physical inactivity and

sedentary behaviour (Cunningham et al., 2020). Nonetheless, the prevalence and

promotion of sport participation for older adults has been argued as one of many possible

appropriate and cost-efficient options to improve physical activity involvement for older

adults (Dionigi, 2017).

In recent decades, sport participation in later life has been an emerging trend,

coinciding with the increased popularity of Masters Sport competition (e.g., older elite

athletes competing against others within the same age range) in particular (Gard et al.,

2017; Grant, 2001). Although older adults’ sport participation frequency and knowledge

of health-related benefits of physical activity has improved, there is also a change in

appropriateness and perceptions about sport and physical activity involvement in later life

(Gard et al., 2017). For example, stereotypes of aging are primarily negative in nature,

framing older adults as unhealthy, dependent, frail, and poorly functioning mentally and

physically members of the population (Dionigi, 2015; Shepherd & Brochu, 2020). Thus,

the ability to participate in sport and valuing of competition in later life has enabled older

adults as agents that challenge normalized ideas of aging, contributing to the evolving

and heterogeneous landscape of older adults (Dionigi, 2006b; Dionigi, 2015; Dionigi &

O’Flynn, 2007). However, the prevalence of Masters athletes and normalization of sport

participation has the potential to marginalize individuals who do not participate in this

new ‘doing’ of aging, highlighting the necessity for active aging policies and sport and

physical activity promotional strategies to incorporate factors such as financials, culture,

barriers, and history regarding older adults (Costello et al., 2011; Gard et al., 2017).

With the increased prevalence of aging policies and strategies in response to this

paradigm shift of active aging, there is variance in their conceptualization and direction

with regards to the general purpose of optimizing health, participation, and security to

improve quality of life in older age (Lassen & Moreria, 2014; WHO, 2002). For example,

the World Health Organization’s (WHO’s) active aging policy framework (WHO, 2002)

focusses on achieving a healthy lifestyle by maintaining health and active participation

through physical activity promotion across the lifespan, as further demonstrated in their

Global Action Plan on Physical Activity (WHO, 2018). In contrast, the European Union

(EU) policy on active aging (European, Commission, 2012), while still deemed healthy,

approaches active aging from a demographic and economic standpoint as it seeks to

reform retirement by increasing productivity in later life to enhance an ‘age integrated

society’ (Lassen & Moreira, 2014). Shifting the focus to Western societies, Canada’s

‘sport for life’ marketing and promotional strategy depicts sport and physical activity as

direct response to the challenge of populations aging (Canadian Sport for Life, 2019).

The surge in active aging policies has led to increased physical activity and sport

opportunities for older individuals, potentially normalizing this population’s involvement,

particularly as self-responsibility for maintenance of their own health (Gard et al., 2017;

Horton et al., 2019). Notwithstanding the promise the aforementioned strategies of

utilizing sport and physical activity may demonstrate, it is a complex and problematic

solution (Dionigi, 2017). Essentially, sport and active aging policies tend to treat physical

activity as a tool to achieve better health, but rarely consider the perspectives, beliefs,

feeling, interests, knowledge, and motivations of older adults that contribute to a more

complete understanding of this population (Dionigi, 2017).

Rowe and Kahn (1997) suggested that engagement in meaningful and productive

activities, related to friendship, social interaction, and organized participation,

particularly in later life, is an essential component in reducing the risk of mortality and

promoting health. Judiciously, as the popularity of Masters Sport broadens, so has the

emergence of qualitative research to further comprehend the meaning of competitive

sport in later life. Through qualitative research, unique perspectives from athletes have

been explored to understand meaning and motives of Masters Sport involvement (e.g.,

Dionigi, 2002a; Dionigi, 2002b; Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007; Dionigi et al., 2011a; Dionigi

et al., 2013a; Horton et al., 2019) as well as social policy implications for health

promotions to older adults (e.g., Gard et al., 2017; Pike, 2011).

To illustrate, through opened ended interviews with Masters athletes, perceived

benefits of competitive sport were uncovered including: test the ability of an individual,

begin sport in later life, establish relationships, regular social interaction, traveling, and

personal growth (Dionigi, 2006b, Dionigi et al., 2011a). Furthermore, Masters athletes

emphasize negotiating the aging process, expressing youthfulness, and maintaining

bodily function related to the notion of ‘use it or lose’, to conceptualize their participation

and motivation in competitive sport (Dionigi, 2002b; Dionigi, 2006b; Dionigi & O’Flynn,

2007). Although, sport in later life is often purely associated with enjoyment and social

interaction, these older athletes who are motivated by competitiveness and desire for

improvement, demonstrates the diversity in meanings of sport participation (Dionigi &

O’Flynn, 2007). It can be suggested based on these findings that sport participation is

valuable for both the physical and psychosocial health of older athletes, and the perceived

value contributes to their motivation for participation. By understanding what older adults

gain from their involvement and also what motivates them to stay involved, current

promotional strategies may be able to evolve and improve the sport and physical activity

experience (Dionigi, 2017).

Notably, Masters athletes are typically represented by middle-to-upper classes, as

well as possessing sufficient resources to afford travel, facilities, equipment, and

healthcare, thus, potentially posing limitations to other portions of the population

(Dionigi, et al., 2013b). Additionally, Masters athletes have associated older adults that

refrain from sport participation with negative characteristics such as laziness and lack of

motivation without considering the uncontrollable (e.g., disease), societal (e.g.,

opportunity), or personal (e.g., indulgence in relaxation) reasons (Gard et al., 2017).

While the majority of research in the realm of aging, sport, and physical activity has

utilized the perspectives of Masters athletes, findings are narrowed as it disregards less

active and athletic older adults, who are often the targets of sport and physical activity

promotional strategies. Thus, there is a need to gather the perspectives of a variety of

older adults and also understand implications of promoting alternative forms of sport and

physical activity, such as leisure, less structured, and informal pursuits (Dionigi, 2017).

The heterogeneity of older adults and complexities of promoting sport and

physical activity demonstrates the need for a multitude of approaches, activities, and

modifications. The promotion of a variety of leisure and less-structured pursuits is

lagging in Western societies, despite having similar mental, social, and emotional

benefits that are provided by more structured sport and physical activity pursuits (Dionigi

& Son, 2017; Douglas et al., 2017; Dupuis & Alzheimer, 2008). Engagement in

physically active leisure (PAL), which encompasses the continuum of sport participation,

physical activity, exercise, and active leisure in later life, varies according to several key

variables such as gender, social context, and physical activity involvement (Dionigi,

2017). For example, older males in particular tend to gravitate towards more sport

specific activities and emphasize the competitive aspects of sport compared to females

(Eman, 2012; Statokostas & Jones, 2016). Although PAL pursuits in later life,

specifically sport, offer an opportunity to broaden social networks and relationships,

social constraints such as disapproval and pressure to participate, reveal the contrasting

side of social context for older adults’ involvement (Gayman et al., 2017a). Exploring the

perspectives from a specific population, such as non-elite athletic older men in a

particular sport (formal or informal), may provide concentrated insight for sport and

physical activity promotional strategies in the context of aging and PAL.

Ice hockey is a high intensity, cardiovascular team sport that emerged in Canada

in the years 1700 – 1887 (Hardy & Holman, 2009). Ice hockey has expanded across

multiple continents and resulted in the development of professional leagues (Hardy &

Holman, 2009). Particularly within Canada, ice hockey has increased in popularity and

participation among older adults. Notably, these trends for ice hockey among older

adults, especially in Western countries, has coincided with the recent phenomenon of

population aging as this cohort of individuals have been exposed to this growth

throughout their lifecourse. Specifically, factors such as style of play, televising ice

hockey, and the 1972 Summit series, increased exposure to Canadians and seemingly

developed an idea that ‘hockey’ and ‘Canada’ are linked as far as a national identification

(Earle, 1995).

The complication of defining the ‘Canadian Identity’ relates to Canada’s

heterogenous demographics as Quebec’s distinctiveness, First Nations people or

Indigenous populations, and immigrants from many countries are a part of the collective

identity (Dopp, 2009). However, ice hockey’s blend of physicality, skill, toughness, and

commitment along with its cold winter-esque playing conditions made it simplistic for

Canadians to embrace due to their perception as being the tough rugged people of the

north (Earle, 1995). Furthermore, ice hockey players have been considered a source of

Canadian identity in which the qualities of Canada can be tangibly and intangibly

characterized (Dopp, 2009). In addition to ice hockey being the most popular sport in

terms of participation for individuals 15 years of age and older (Statistics Canada,

2019b), it is also considered an important national symbol by more than three quarters of

Canadians (Sinha, 2015). Dopp (2009) explains that Canadians may associate national

identity with peculiar obsessions such as ice hockey, and ice hockey’s relation to national

identity stems from the absence of an all-inclusive Canadian identity, which essentially

relates to the heterogeneity of the population.

When considering biological sex at birth, the multiple characteristics

encompassing ice hockey in Canada have demonstrated to be more favourable towards

males. For example, in relation to ice hockey, males outnumber females in participation

and viewership, have higher ratings of national symbolism, and embrace the masculine

nature of the sport (Macdonald, 2014; Sinha, 2015; Statistics Canada, 2019b).

Specifically, the ice hockey milieu is an environment that male players consider

communal and a break from ‘real life’ to speak freely among other males without the

presence of social barriers (Alsarve & Angelin, 2020). Although the prevalence of

females in ice hockey is increasing, males still dominate popularity, viewership, and

notions of identity.

Recreational ice hockey, either formal or informal, has become a popular option

for adults-to-older adults to continue, or begin, participation in the sport. In recreational

ice hockey, body checking is often prohibited, slapshots in specific cases are removed,

overall intensity is lower, and the majority of games are played for fun (Atwal et al.,

2002; Voaklander et al., 1996). The prevalence of participation in ice hockey into

adulthood and later life has popularized organizations in North America that promote and

organize competition. For example, the Canadian Adult Recreational Hockey Association

(CARHA) provides services to assist in the development and delivery of ice hockey for

adults and older adults through the organization of leagues and tournaments (CARHA

Hockey, 2020), whereas Snoopy’s hosts an annual international senior ice hockey

tournament celebrating sportsmanship, camaraderie, and competition (Snoopy’s Home

Ice, 2020). Understanding the meaning and motivation of participating in recreational ice

hockey into older age can provide valuable insight and information to these

organizations.

Despite the benefits of ice hockey participation translating consistently to those of

physical activity, the potential health risks cannot be overlooked (Kitchen & Chowhan,

2016). Hockey injuries (professional and recreational) are primarily due to body, puck,

and stick contact, often occurring in the head and knees, (Lorentzon et al., 1988;

Mosenthal et al., 2017; Voaklander, et al., 1996) and have further influenced equipment

and rule modifications (e.g., Brophy, 2013). Additionally, the risk for sudden cardiac

events increases for vigorous activities that exceed six metabolic equivalents (METs),

10!

and with ice hockey considered to be greater than 8 METs, older adult players could be

viewed as being in jeopardy (Warburton et al., 2006). Although the risk is understood,

older adults should not be discouraged from playing as injuries are often considered mild,

sudden cardiac events are very unlikely to occur, and regular exercise to avoid scenario

of transitioning from sedentary lifestyle to vigorous ice hockey play is beneficial (Atwal

et al., 2002; Caputo & Mattson, 2005; Mittleman, 2002). Nonetheless, ice hockey is a

sport enjoyed by middle and older aged men, especially throughout Canada, for its

synergy of exercise and camaraderie despite being a high intensity sport with the

potential for injuries occurring at time in life during which there is greater risk.

Recently, research to develop an understanding of the influence participating in

recreational hockey in older age for men was conducted. Specifically, through qualitative

interviews with older male hockey players, the value of enjoyment, pleasure, and health-

related benefits of hockey in later life were noticed (Allain, 2020). Furthermore, playing

hockey in older age allowed these older men to form their own unique hockey experience

that is different from their youth, which often did not account for health benefits and

encouraged hegemonic masculinity (Allain, 2021). Ultimately, older male hockey players

navigate age-related risk in order to receive the benefits, find enjoyment, and resist aging

stories through participation in hockey (Allain, 2020).

Thus, although there is an abundance of evidence to illustrate that injuries or ill

health incidents may occur especially among an older adult population who engages with

such sport and physical activity as ice hockey, there is still a passion, a drive, and a sense

of identity, in particular among males, to continue their participation in later life. Similar

to the need for qualitative research to investigate various aspects and attributes as to why

11!

Masters athletes engage in sport and physical activity in later years despite a myriad of

quantitative research, there is a need to further understand facets of engagement in ice

hockey among middle-to-older adult males.

1.1 Purpose Statement

This study used a qualitative approach to understand the meaning and motivation

of ice hockey involvement for Canadian men aged 50 years and older. The majority of

qualitative research focused on aging, sport, and more broadly PAL, has examined the

collective perspectives of Masters and elite athletes that participate in a variety of sports.

To this point, there is a dearth of research from the perspectives of non-elite athletic older

adults that make up the majority of the population. The purpose of this study is to

understand the perspectives of Canadian male ice hockey participants aged 50 years and

older to advance knowledge of aging, sport, and more broadly PAL. Additionally, this

study aimed to gather valuable information from the perspectives of participants that can

be used to enhance physical activity and sport promotional strategies and organizations,

especially those specific to ice hockey for middle-to-older aged adults.

1.2 Research Questions

1.2.1 Central Question

How does playing ice hockey influence the aging experience for Canadian men

aged 50 years and older?

1.2.2 Sub-Questions

What is the meaning and motivation of playing ice hockey into later life for

Canadian men (50

years)? Do cultural, historical, and societal characteristics influence

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choice of sport participation for Canadian men (50

years)? In the context of ice hockey,

how do Canadian men (50

years) illustrate the domains of physical literacy (e.g.,

understanding, knowledge, confidence, competence, etc.)?

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2.0 Methodology

My thesis aimed to gain a better understanding of experience and intentionality

with respect to why middle-to-older adult Canadian men engage in recreational ice

hockey. To ascertain the perspectives of the participants, a qualitative approach was

employed.

2.1 Qualitative Approach

In order to collect data that aimed to provide insight into the perspectives of

middle-to-older Canadian men and their physical activity pursuits, in-depth interviews

were conducted with an interpretative phenomenological approach to qualitative research

design. The interpretative aspect is the adroitness of hermeneutics. Through a

phenomenological perspective, an attempt is made to understand how people perceive

and feel about their experiences (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Patton, 2002). Thus, to

effectively describe and understand a phenomenon or phenomena (i.e., the experience

and opinions of the participants), the hermeneutic (interpretative) perspective was the

most appropriate choice to guide inquiry for this study (Wojnar & Swanson, 2007).

Although the evolution of phenomenology and hermeneutics have been unique and

independent from each other, there is a history of uniting them together as a solitary

approach (Kakkori, 2009). In essence, hermeneutic phenomenology is useful for

describing lived human experiences as it interprets how we understand and engage in the

world around us, including ourselves and others, in relation to the social, political, and

historical forces that shape our experience (Wojnar & Swanson, 2007). Therefore,

through descriptions from participants, researchers are able to culminate the experiences

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and perspectives of several individuals who have all experienced a phenomenon

(Creswell & Creswell, 2018).

Briefly, a note about the ontology (i.e., how humans can acquire knowledge, or

more simply put, the ‘study of being’) and epistemology (i.e., how knowledge is created)

from the perspective of the researcher needs to be provided as it may have an impact on

the chosen theoretical perspective (i.e., hermeneutic phenomenology) application of

gaining an understanding. This study used bounded realist ontology and constructionist

epistemology as philosophical approaches. Bounded relativism understands that a shared

reality exists within a bonded group (e.g., cultural, moral, cognitive), but realities exist

differently across other groups (Moon & Blackman, 2014). Furthermore, from

constructionist epistemology, interaction between subject and object (in this case ice

hockey) gives rise to meaning and knowledge within a defined social context, focussing

on how people create meaning in and out of engaging with the realties in their own world

(Moon & Blackman, 2014).

As the phenomenology approach was the main influence guiding knowledge

acquisition for this study, the theoretical perspective will be expanded on briefly here. It

is acknowledged that this study is only adopting the underpinnings of phenomenology. A

more pure approach to phenomenology would aim to have participants describe a

phenomenon, whereas this study attempted to dive deeper into understanding the

experiences and asked participants to explain more about their relationship with ice

hockey participation and aging. Phenomenology encompasses the resources to illustrate a

phenomenon/topic that is under-represented or poorly understood within the literature

(Pascal et al., 2011). For example, Dionigi (2006a) called for qualitative research in aging

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and competitive sport due to the increasing number of older athletes with the increasing

aging population. Previous research had taken a quantitative approach or failed to

consider the experiences of older athletes, demonstrating an opportunity to use in-depth

interviews and interpretative analysis to provide alternative ways to make sense of older

athletes and their relationship with competitive sport (Dionigi, 2006a). This is not to

devalue the role of quantitative research on aging and physical activity, rather it

encourages the utilization of different paradigms to capture variations of the phenomenon

(Grant & O’Brien Cousins, 2001). Notably, research has explored the influence and

meaning of sport in the lives of older adults to understand motivation, as well as how this

cohort continues to maintain their involvement into later life (e.g., Dionigi et al., 2013a;

Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007). Additionally, understandings on aging and sport would

benefit from phenomenological analysis of the experiences, perspectives, and opinions of

older adults in specific sports. Previous research typically utilized the combined

perspectives of older adults that participate in a variety of sports, such as athletes in the

World Masters Games, with a small portion specifically focusing on individual sports.

Shifting attention to the perspectives of older adults in specific sports can be justified

through Dionigi’s (2006a) explanation of the heterogeneous nature of older adults

competing in sports since their motives for involvement are unique and may alter

throughout life or depending on the type of sport or event. Research intended to capture

the perspectives of a specific sport should include a population with one shared sporting

experience to determine how that sport in particular is important to that population and

may differentiate from other sports.

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The perspectives and experiences of older athletes have proven to be a valuable

source of knowledge as they contributed to: an understanding that sport is, or is in the

process of being normalized for this population, the way sport policy is shaped, and how

their social relationships are viewed (Gard et al., 2017). However, the majority of

qualitative research that has been done on the topic of aging, sport, and PAL has tended

to focus on Masters Athletes (Dionigi, 2017). Thus, there is a paucity of research that

utilized a qualitative interpretative approach and involved older adults who were less

active than elite athletes (e.g., Masters athletes), despite them being often the target of

sport promotion policy and strategies. In particular, there was an opportunity to explore

the population of older adults who were considered less active in their daily lifestyle in

comparison to the archetypal older athlete (e.g., Masters athletes), but still participated in

PAL pursuits such as recreational sport (e.g., ice hockey) in later life.

Middle-to-older adult Canadian men who self-reported as participating in

recreational ice hockey may be viewed as presenting a unique scenario in the realm of

qualitative interpretive research due to the sport’s relationship with Canadian identity,

expressions of masculinity (MacDonald, 2014), and social nature (Alsarve & Angelin,

2020). With the perception that ‘Canada’ and ‘hockey’ are intertwined entities, there may

be more depth to the meaning and motivation of participation that expanded beyond the

discourses discussed for aging, sport, and more broadly PAL within other studies.

Therefore, an interpretivist approach (i.e., hermeneutic phenomenology) was considered

the most appropriate way to properly understand the experiences and intentionality of

older Canadian men engaging in recreational ice hockey, an arguably culturally derived

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and historically situated sport, and how this knowledge acquisition contributed to a

further understanding of aging and sport.

2.2 The Researcher’s Role

Particularly for qualitative methodologies, the role of the researcher as the

primary data collector and interpreter entailed the identification of personal

characteristics that may constitute an influential aspect integrated into the study. In

essence, a researcher’s past experiences, ideologies, and demographics could have

influenced the interpretation of the qualitative data in way that would be different from

another researcher’s interpretation (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Thus, it was imperative

that the researcher explicitly identify these characteristics and how they may have shaped

the interpretations made, such as leaning towards certain themes or looking for ways to

support their position (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). However, instances where the unique

background and experience of individuals have provided valuable insight towards a

certain topic or population (Humble & Cross, 2010).

This study used in-depth interviews to understand the unique perspectives of

Canadian men aged 50 years and older playing recreational ice hockey in later life.

Although I am a male in my 20s, I have a variety of experiences with the target cohort,

ranging from interacting first-hand and playing alongside them, to spectating.

Specifically, after surpassing minor/junior hockey age restrictions, I have consistently

participated weekly with older men in pick-up hockey for approximately 8 years

(COVID-19 pandemic permitting). Furthermore, I have observed the perceived positive

discourses of playing recreational ice hockey into older age such as competition and

comradery, and also the negative aspects related to injuries and sudden cardiac events.

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Therefore, through my personal experiences of participating in ice hockey for more than

20 years, I have cumulated a sufficient understanding of the physical and psychosocial

benefits of playing ice hockey and what the sport demands from the body. However, with

regards to the influence of aging related to ice hockey, I can only be considered a witness

and listener, with insufficient understanding of the mindset while continuing participation

into later life. Notably, I have noticed a difference in competition when a combination of

older and younger players participated within the same pick-up game. For example,

although most older men appeared to enjoy interacting and competing with younger

players, I perceived they desire fair play and competition against others of the same age

and skill level. Lastly, I can declare that my overall experiences and perceptions of

hockey throughout my life have been positive. I also developed educational experience

through undergraduate and graduate level university courses in the context of aging,

physical activity, and ice hockey. These educational experiences may have influenced the

interpretation process such as creating certain themes or leaning to familiar conclusions

by referring to past knowledge or learned content (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).

Moreover, due to my past experiences of playing ice hockey throughout my life and with

the target cohort, I brought certain biases to the study. These biases shaped the way I

viewed, understood, and interpreted the data. Nonetheless, consulting with fellow peers

(i.e., research team, advisor) was required in order to check for influence during the

interpretation process and avoid bias.

2.3 Participants

This study was conducted with individuals who resided within Southwestern

Ontario, Windsor-Essex County in particular to gather the lived experiences and

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perspectives of Canadian men aged 50 years and older engaging in recreational ice

hockey. This region was chosen as it was an area accompanied by more than 10 ice

hockey arenas, with the majority having multiple ice pads for this cohort to participate in

private rentals or organized leagues. Notably, the Windsor Family Credit Union (WFCU)

Centre indicated there were 24 hours of privately rented ice times weekly on file as of

February 2020. Private ice time rentals were considered as being outside of minor ice

hockey, organized leagues, and free skates. Although the demographics of each private

ice time rental were unknown, when asked the WFCU employees estimated adult

recreational and/or old timer ice hockey used the majority of private ice time rentals.

Additionally, Windsor, Ontario in particular hosted the 2016 Canadian Adult

Recreational Hockey Association (CARHA) Hockey tournament that gathered

approximately 2,500 participants from 14 different countries (CARHA, 2019). Therefore,

it can be justified that this region displayed popularity for adult recreational ice hockey

and promotion of sport for this cohort.

The participants were purposefully sampled in accordance to the goals and

qualifications of the study (Patton, 2002). Participants selected were required to be: male,

50 years of age or older, able to speak English, have access to and experience with a

computerized device compatible with videoconferencing software (e.g., Zoom),

preferably living within Southwestern Ontario, and participating in recreational ice

hockey for at least 1-2 years (this minimum range was considered to recognize that since

March 2020, Southwestern Ontario was in a pandemic and continued to be through the

duration of this study, and thus, there may have been changes to recreational ice hockey

that confounded experiences). Additionally, the choice of participant’s age established at

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50 years and older stemmed from both research and personal experience. Firstly, overall

functional capacity was traditionally perceived to naturally decline after the age of 50

years old (Lassen and Moreira, 2014). Secondly, from personally witnessing players who

were 50 years of age and older, there was a lower perceived functional capacity when

playing and a greater frequency of injuries compared to younger counterparts.

Additionally, expanding the age range to be beyond 65 years of age and older to

encompass individuals 50 years of age and older, offered the insight of examining

perspectives and motivations that span the middle-to-older ages. Lastly, finding a

sufficient number of participants for this study at 65 years of age and older was thought at

the onset to potentially be difficult to acquire despite its rising popularity among this

cohort.

For a qualitative study with a phenomenological approach, Creswell & Creswell

(2018) recommended a sample size of three-to-ten participants. Furthermore, the aim was

to interview six or seven participants as this range has proven prosperous in previous

research that involved older Canadian men and their perspectives related to aging and

physical activity (Deneau et al., 2019b). Participants were recruited first by circulating an

email blast (existing directory) to a group of older hockey players who may be eligible.

Secondarily, a snowball approach was used through connections within the local ice

hockey community and previous participants. However, the intention was to interview

participants until saturation (i.e., no new emerging themes) was met.

2.4 Data Collection Procedures

Data were collected after ethics clearance was received and took place in

approximately Spring 2021 (Note: ethics clearance was obtained on March 19

, 2021).

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This included the conduction of the open-ended interviews with participants to elicit their

views and opinions and ranged from approximately one to three hours in length (Creswell

& Creswell, 2018). In relation to the goals of the study, the value of qualitative interviews

was the ability to control the topics being discussed as well as allowing participants to

refer to past experiences (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The semi-structured guide

(Appendix A) allowed for the control of topics being discussed, as well as the freedom

for participants to share their subjective experiences. In other words, although open-

ended questions were asked, probing questions afforded the opportunity to learn more

about the individual context, and provided versatility and flexibility (Kallio et al., 2016;

Mueller & Segal, 2015). Although it was recommended that interviews take place within

an environment that was comfortable to the participant to reduce potential feelings of

discomfort that may have impeded their willingness to share information (McGrath et al.,

2019), it was always possible. Due to a global pandemic declared by the WHO regarding

the coronavirus (COVID-19) in March of 2020, in-person data collection ceased. Thus,

the interviews took place virtually via a videoconferencing software (Zoom -

professional) and were recorded with the participants’ permission for the purpose of

verbatim transcription. In order to garner responses from different participants pertaining

to the same questions through a conversational approach, the structure of the interview

had a pre-determined set of open-ended questions to follow related to aging, physical

activity, and ice hockey (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Patton, 2002). Furthermore, to

assist with data collection, I had my own personal log to record notes and important

details that arose during the interview. Creswell & Creswell (2018) recommended that

researchers take notes during interviews in the event that recording equipment fails or

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other related malfunctions. Nonetheless, recording interviews granted the opportunity to

review and confirm assumptions made during the interview process.

A potential participant was instructed to email or call the researcher if they were

interested in volunteering for this study. When first contact was made with a potential

participant, I confirmed interest and eligibility to be involved with the study. Once these

two factors had been confirmed, I ensured I had the correct email information of the

participant in order to send them a Consent Form. It was important to provide the

potential participant a Consent Form in advance of data collection to ensure they had an

appropriate amount of time to review the details of the study in order to provide informed

consent. Furthermore, during this first contact, a date and time for data collection via

video conferencing was agreed upon. In the email that contained the Consent Form, the

date and time for data collection was also confirmed. Additionally, an email that

contained the videoconferencing information was provided if needed.

At the start of the data collection videoconference, the Consent Form was

reviewed with the participant, and they were able to ask any further questions. Once the

participant voluntarily agreed to be involved with the study, they were informed that the

recording of the call began, and they were be asked to reconfirm their consent to

participate for the recording. At the start of the recording, I also stated information such

as the date, time of day, and participant ID. To ease the participant into the process of

being asked interview questions, I asked some demographic questions (Appendix B). For

example, demographic questions included age, ethnicity, employment status, marital

status, meeting the Canadian Physical Activity Guidelines, frequency of recreational ice

hockey involvement, and history of chronic disease and/or previous injuries. After the

23!

demographic information was collected, I clarified terms (e.g., PAL) that may have been

unfamiliar to participants.

The questions in the interview aimed to capture the opinions and perspectives on

several key themes, with involvement in recreational ice hockey into later life for men as

the overlying main theme. The several key themes the interview questions encompassed

included lived experiences throughout the aging process, physical activity involvement

into later life, opinions on sport participation for older adults, the meaning and motivation

of involvement in recreational ice hockey, and specifically why ice hockey was a

preferred sport choice for this cohort. The pre-determined questions in the interview

protocol served as the primary content in order to collect the intended data. However,

probes were utilized to either ask for more information or expand on a mentioned idea

(Creswell & Creswell, 2018). For example, “Tell me more about that.” or “Could you

explain that further?” were common examples to use in unison with the primary content

questions that provided further depth into ideas.

Prior to, and just after, each interview, I recorded my own feelings and

perceptions along with making my own personal notes about the interview. This

information included whether the participant was easy to talk to, if they were hesitant to

provide information, moments of excitement and humour, and disruptions during the

interview. Although these notes were not analyzed as data for this particular study, they

aided in understanding context, situation, and potential outliers that emerged.

All interview data were transcribed verbatim during the collection of data (rather

than after all interviews are complete). This was done primarily to determine if and when

saturation was reached, and to allow for data analysis to take place at a later date and

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time. Additionally, member checking was offered to participants which would have

included the participant receive a brief document (via email) containing general

information that outlines the themes, trends, and patterns of the deidentified transcripts

(Birt et al., 2016). However, all participants declined interest in member checking, with

most conveying they would rather read a final write up of the data.

2.5 Data Analysis

I utilized a simultaneous procedure as justified by Merriam (2002), in which data

analysis commenced simultaneously as aspects such as data collection were ongoing.

Essentially, the simultaneous procedure granted the opportunity to make adjustment

during the analysis process and focus on the dynamic emergence of themes, concepts,

and categories derived from the data (Merriam, 2002). Furthermore, this process assisted

in monitoring data saturation by treating analysis as a continuous and fluid process, rather

than establishing a set start and end to the findings.

The initial step consisted of reading through the data collected and reflecting on

the meaning of what the participant was saying and the overall impression of the data;

Creswell and Creswell (2018) accentuated the importance of this process. Furthermore,

Patton (2002) provided more justification by encouraging the researcher’s interaction

with that data, such as reading it several times to assist with the identification of patterns

and themes. Following the thorough reflection opportunity, analysis of the data

continued.

This study used a thematic analysis to identify, analyze, and interpret patterns of

meaning (i.e., codes) from the qualitative data collected during the interviews (Clarke &

Braun, 2017). Thematic analysis was useful for understanding data (both coding and

25!

comparing) in relation to participants lived experiences, opinion, perspectives,

behaviours, and practices; providing the foundation of understanding what participants

thought, felt, and did (Clarke & Braun, 2017). In general, coding was the process of

creating themes from the data through an inductive strategy of organizing the data into

smaller segments of information. This involved associating a theme or pattern with a unit,

such as a word or phrase, for distinction (Clarke & Braun, 2017; Creswell & Creswell,

2018; Merriam, 2002). Moreover, the selected words or phrases for themes were often

based on the actual language from the participants (vivo terms; Creswell & Creswell,

2018). The themes and patterns were derived from the interviews with the participants for

comparison purposes in order to identify common themes and patterns across

participants’ interviews (Merriam, 2002). Additionally, a secondary step employed was

the use of deductive analysis which involved the use of pre-existing categories from

similar literature(s) to help guide the coding process (Patton, 2002). This latter aspect was

instrumental for determining how the data were to be presented in the current study. As

many codes and themes were yielded from that data, the research team met to discuss a

feasible approach for interpreting the data and relating it back to the existing literature.

Thus, it was acknowledged that through the production of the narrative that this led to

additional layers of analysis, the forming of varying narratives, and the connection of

themes to interpret the qualitative data, that there were multiple feasible approaches to

present how playing ice hockey influenced the aging experience for Canadian men aged

50 years and older. Ultimately, the intention was to make sense of the interviews by

aggregating the qualitative data down into a smaller number of interesting features of the

data that were relevant to the study (Clarke & Braun, 2017; Creswell & Creswell, 2018).

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2.6 Data Interpretation

The interpretation process involved several procedures to meet the goals of the

study and transition the qualitative data into meaningful findings to capture in essence,

“What were the lessons learned?” (Creswell & Creswell, 2018, p. 198). While qualitative

descriptions contributed to organizing and understanding a phenomenon, interpretation

called for attaching significance to what was found and making sense of the findings by

going beyond the descriptive data (Patton, 2002). Creswell & Creswell (2018)

recommended a rich and thick description of the findings to engage readers, properly

convey the perspectives captured, and transcend the discussion to a shared experience.

However, Patton (2002) emphasized the importance of balance between description and

interpretation in order to illuminate what was significantly important without being

overwhelming and repetitive. Using a balanced quality of description assisted with the

phenomenological interpretation of the data. From Heidegger’s hermeneutics

(interpretative) perspective, I went the basic description of concepts and ideas, such as

aging and ice hockey in the lives of middle-to-older aged men, to truly understand human

experiences (Wojnar & Swanson, 2007). Therefore, through the vehicle of detailed

descriptions and adherence to the social, political, and historical context of human

experiences, I gathered a deeper understanding of the meaning of involvement in ice

hockey in lives of the target cohort.

The additional procedures of the interpretation processes involved comparing

findings to the literature as well as discussing a personal perspective (Creswell &

Creswell, 2018). The latter of the two procedures refers back to the reflexivity of

qualitative research as it was understood the inquirer brings personal experiences, views,

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and ideologies to the interpretative process (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Patton, 2002).

Moreover, discussing the qualitative study with an external source (e.g., an advisor),

provided an interpretation beyond the researcher in the event of a misunderstanding or

notable personal bias (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The former procedure addressed the

notion that most research designs stem in various ways from previous research and

propositions (Patton, 2002), presenting the opportunity to compare findings to similar

research with a different setting. Qualitative research in the context of aging and sport

was utilized for comparing similarities and differences, which contributed to a further

understanding of this phenomenon.

Overall, the goal of this study was to gather the unique experiences of Canadian

men aged 50 years and older participating in recreational ice hockey to understand their

meanings and motivation(s) for participation. This study drew inspiration from previous

research that explored the perspectives and experience of older athletes who continued to

participate into later life. This study examined the perspective of older men who play

recreationally and/or for fun, rather than participants of notable athletic competitions such

as the World Masters Games. The stories and descriptions gathered from the target cohort

contributed to literature in aging and sport to further understand the numerous dynamics

within this area of research.

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3.0 Results

In accordance with the constructed requirements and design of this study, all ten

participants recruited were Canadian and aged 50 years of age or older and resided in

Southwestern Ontario. Overall, participants ranged from 58-to-76 years of age

(approximate mean age of 63 years). All participant identified as male and different

renditions of Caucasian Canadians. For employment, six indicated they work full-time,

two work part-time, one was retired, and one was on leave from his full-time job at the

time of the interview. With regards to health-related items, all participants self-described

themselves as being in good-to-very good health. Moreover, all participants but one

conveyed they engaged in physical activity (PA) three or more hours weekly prior to

Covid-19, with the lone participant engaged in one-to-three hours of PA weekly. With

respect to Covid-19 restrictions, eight participants indicated they were currently engaged

in PA the same amount of time as they would prior, with two participants, Lester (3+

hours to 1-3 hours) and Russ (3+ hours to less than 1 hour) seeing a decrease in their PA

engagement weekly. Additional information is presented in Table 1.0.

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Table 1.0: Participant Demographics

Alias

Year of

Birth

Highest Level of

Education

Completed

Self-described

Ethnicity

Parents

from

Canada

Marital

Status

Years

Playing

Hockey

Lester

1961

Undergrad

Italian-Canadian

Married

Greg

1963

Undergrad

Caucasian

Yes

Married

Charlie

1963

Doctorate

Italian-Canadian

Married

Dwayne

1963

High School

French-Canadian

Yes

Married

Gerald

1945

Masters

Caucasian-

Canadian

Yes

Married

Russ

1965

College

French-Canadian

Yes

Married

Dean

1961

Undergrad

Caucasian-French-

Canadian

Yes

Divorced

Ken

1963

Undergrad

Greek-Canadian

Common

Law

Guy

1946

Masters

Canadian

Yes

Married

Gordon

1950

Masters

Caucasian-

Canadian

Yes

Married

With respect to hockey participation, the mean number of years of playing hockey

throughout the participant’s life was 46 years, ranging from 23-to-65 years of experience.

The majority indicated they had played hockey since early childhood, while two of the

participants took up the sport in middle age. Notably, many participants that began

playing in childhood indicated pauses or interruptions during middle age due to factors

such as raising children, relocation, or occupational demands. However, such pauses in

participation were often short lived and mere products of circumstance. Furthermore,

through the interviews it was found participants played in various types of hockey

growing up such as house league, travel, and collegiate level. Hockey participation in

later life included pick-up, and league and tournament play, with the latter two often

formally incorporating varying age groups (e.g., 65+ years). It is important to note the

type of hockey the participants engaged in, with respect to this study the participants

were involved with a combination of types, because it can impact the motivation and

meaning for someone playing hockey. Specifically, participants indicated the distinct

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metaphorical naming of leagues such as The Rusty Blades, Sliver Fox, and Living Dead

as they continued to play into older age. Moreover, although some participants played

multiple times weekly with a combination of pick-up and league participation, all

participants consistently played hockey at least once weekly. For conditions and injuries

related to hockey, half of the participants specified living with one chronic condition each

which included atrial fibrillations, arthritis, sport’s hernia, depression, and post-Bends

symptoms. Notably, none of the participants relayed that their condition hampered their

hockey performance or frequency aside form Greg (post-Bends symptoms) who

explained he experienced complications with hockey and rehabilitation. Lastly, the

majority of participants indicated they experienced an injury at some point in life,

whether hockey related or not, that resulted in absences from hockey ranging from 1

month to 1 year. However, most injuries were described as mild and occurred at varying

ages, not restricted to later life, for the participants.

3.1 The Wellness Wheel Concept

Encompassed within the concept of a Wellness Wheel is the understanding of

multiple domains contributing to an individual’s attainment of ‘being’ well and healthy.

The World Health Organization (WHO, 2021) defined ‘wellness’ as “an optimal state of

health of individuals and groups.” However, instead of designating the absence of disease

as being healthy, this definition accentuated the importance of fulfilling potential in

different aspects of life such as physically, psychologically, socially, spiritually,

economically, and identity (WHO, 2021). Commonly incorporated within the Wellness

Wheel is a holistic approach to measure and assess the multiple embedded dimensions

with respect to an individual or group, providing an objective evaluation of well-being

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(Hattie et al., 2004; Myers et al., 2000). The Wellness Wheel approach was an

advantageous approach when interpreting the data as it allowed for the incorporation and

exploration of heterogeneity and holistic understanding particularly focused on living a

healthy lifestyle among older adults. Notably, there was no definitive approach to the

construction of an individual’s or groups’ Wellness Wheel due to the myriad of physical,

social, and historical factors, affording the unique perceptions and experiences of an

individual to emerge (Myers & Sweeney, 2007). Therefore, through the perspectives and

experiences of older men in the current study, the concept of a Wellness Wheel was

adapted to assess how hockey participation acted as a contributing factor to fulfill

multiple dimensions of the participants lives related to achieving a state of well-being. As

a result, the Active Aging Wheel of Engagement was developed (see Figure 1.0).

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Figure 1.0: The Active Aging Wheel of Engagement, a concept adapted from a Wellness

Wheel approach. The inner circle, or the spokes of the wheel, are the eight dimensions of

active aging (which were also the themes that emerged), encircled by the tire which is the

interchangeable predilection. The outer sphere illustrates the bidirectional cyclical

relationship to aspects of physical literacy. Note: certain aspects of physical literacy

(outer sphere) are not directly tied to specific dimensions (themes), rather the outer

sphere relates to the eight dimensions as a whole.

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Overall, this study aimed to understand the influence of participating in hockey

had on the aging experience for the older men participants. Through the interviews, the

vividness of hockey as more than a mere component of physically active leisure (PAL) in

older age was noticed. Essentially, hockey was an integral contributing activity that

fulfilled multiple dimensions of these older men’s lives. For example, when the

participants were asked to conceptualize the general reason or meaning for playing

hockey in older age, many responded with a list or continuously spoke on tangents of

reasons. While the purpose of the study was not directly to divulge the value of hockey

participation, the reasoning and meaning communicated from participation implied these

participants valued the many elements of well-being “hockey gave back to them.” To

illustrate the multiple dimensions of these older men’s lives to which hockey contributed,

there were several all-encompassing responses within the interviews. For example, Ken

(58 years) explained the collective contribution of hockey:

“It compliments everything else I do for working out…once you tie in the coolness

and the fun feeling of being out there, feel like a kid and also tying in the social

aspect…they're all driving forces, don't know what percentage each one

weighs…but they're all driving forces.”

Moreover, Gordon (71 years) emphasized the value of hockey’s contributions through a

holistic perspective of humans:

“You're a whole person comprised of more than just muscle mass…you're an

emotional person, you're a spiritual person, your cognitive person, you're a social

person. All that melded together to play physical sports, so that's all important

and that's all part of it.”

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Hockey was viewed as the tire surrounding the wheel that consisted of the wellness

dimensions that emerged from the interviews with older men as an important aspect to

their PAL participation in later life. At times, the participations discussed how tire

inflation or air pressure altered throughout different aspects of life, such as having

children, retiring, injuries, and even a pandemic, which in turn impacted the role or

influence of hockey in their lives. The themes or wellness dimensions that emerged in the

current study included: 1) physical ability and injuries, 2) social interaction and

camaraderie, 3) relationship of hockey and PAL (Appendix C), 4) competition and

leisure, 5) youthfulness, 6) identity and pride, 7) accessibility and opportunity, and 8)

mental/cognitive health (Appendix D). Although all dimensions were viewed as an

essential dimension, for the sake of length, some were moved to the appendices.

3.2 Physical Ability and Injuries

Hockey has been viewed as a form of moderate-to-vigorous exercise that provides

health benefits to individuals such as older men. The benefits participating in ice hockey

have been generally consistent with engaging in regular physical activity, such as the

prevention of diseases and maintenance of functional health (Chodozko-Zajko et al.,

2009; Kitchen & Chowhan, 2016). The older men in the current study accentuated the

conversation of how hockey was associated with physical ability and the risk of injury

when they emphasized the physical benefits that were unique to hockey and were

difficult to replicate through other sports, the role of self-maintenance or how hockey

contributed to overall health, physical fitness, and enjoyment in life, and the appreciation

that an injury may occur or be the cause of ending play, but how hockey was also their

therapy for bodily ailments.

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It was evident that the participants emphasized the physical benefits of hockey to

be related to the overall uniqueness of the workout and the physical demands placed on

the body. For example, Ken (58 years) explained: “No workout is quite like that

anaerobic that I get on the ice and that's what I love about it, it's cold in there which also

burns calories.” Similarly, Gordon (71 years) stated: “It’s probably the best sweat out of

all the sports I played because…you know most of your body is wet…and I like that

overall workout.” Moreover, Dwayne (58 years) highlighted how the exclusive

characteristics of gameplay, such as the intervals of exercise and rest, benefit and

challenge physical abilities:

“One of the cool things about hockey is…it's multiple lines of players, where it

requires a lot of energy, then rest, energy, rest and that's actually good for you I

think in a conditioning viewpoint.”

The emphasis of uniqueness in particular was often demonstrated when

comparing hockey to other sports and activities. Guy (75 years) ascertained: “I mean you

finished playing a game of hockey it's not like playing a game of baseball, you can stand

there and pick your nose in baseball, hockey you skate and sweat.” Furthermore,

although Russ (56 years) understood others have different sport interests or reasons that

would prevent participation in hockey, he stressed the importance of cardiovascular

demands for men in his age group:

“Okay so a lot of guys quit playing hockey and they go golf…it's not physical.

Yeah it [hockey] just keeps you active, a lot more than any other sport…like I say,

a lot of guys my age, they stopped in hockey because you know they have knee

problems or whatever and they start golfing, and you know there's nothing wrong

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with golf, but it's not as physical as hockey. You know, you don't get out there and

your heart rate doesn't get up to 150 playing golf.”

Guy (75 years) expanded upon his draw to hockey for the cardiovascular benefits by

expressing his dilemma with Covid-19 restrictions: “That's what I miss the most about it

(hockey) is not getting my heart rate up in cardiovascular during this Covid.” It appeared

that the hockey workout was difficult to replicate outside of the hockey setting due to the

style of gameplay (e.g., short bursts of energy output) and the involvement of multiple

physical movements, a concept supported within literature (e.g., Bracko, 1998; Burr et

al., 2015; Mittleman, 2002). Notably, Ken (58 years) clarified the difficulty in replicating

the workout when he shared his attempts to emulate the skating patterns in a hockey

game by running: “I’ll like sprint for 40 or 50 yards, walk back, sprint, to kind of

simulate like a shift. I did that, I think twice, I'm thinking okay this sucks.” Therefore,

through understanding the gameplay style, cardiovascular demands, and environmental

condition associated with hockey, the sport was considered a valuable physical activity

for older men that challenges and benefits multiple aspects of physical functioning.

Judiciously, the older men in the current study acknowledged the overall benefits

that hockey can provide as a physical activity pursuit in later life. As physical activity and

sport has become more accessible and normalized for older adults, there was an

understanding that participation in such pursuits were used as a tool for self-maintenance

of health (Gard et al., 2017, Horton et al., 2019). When the participants conceptualized

the meaning and reasoning they participate in hockey, all gravitated towards the notion of

hockey contributing to their health and would extend their life. Lester (60 years)

responded: “Why do I continue to play? I enjoy it, and I think it contributes to the overall

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health… I think that by trying to continue to play, that keeps us healthier.” Although

similar to Lester’s opinion, Charlie’s (58 years) perspective of maintaining health was

through his experience of observing older players as he explained: “To get to be that age,

you got to be healthy…like what do you got to do to be physically fit for your entire life,

and playing hockey is a contributor.” Additionally, for some participants hockey was

more than a ‘good physical activity’ that contributed to health; it was an essential

component in their lives. For example, Dwayne (58 years), a previous smoker who took

up hockey in adulthood, explained why the sport was significant to him:

“Well it helped on my journey through life, because I think athleticism and taking

care of yourself is a big part of your life, you know, because you want to live an

active, physical, healthy lifestyle so that you can live well…past the recommended

you know the average male age of living right. So, you want to do all the right

things. So, hockey plays a big part in that.”

In essence, the participants suggested that playing hockey was potentially the reason they

were currently healthy and may live into older age. Furthermore, Russ (56 years) looked

to his peers as a reason to continue: “You know we're at the age where some of the

friends are starting to die…in our 60s…it's a good way to stay healthy…hopefully, it keeps

you going until 80.” Distinctively, some placed importance on maintaining health and

functioning to spend time with their family or indulge in pleasure in conjunction with

being fit and in shape. To illustrate, Gerald (76 years) mentioned:

“I got two grandchildren and so trying to remain healthy, to be able to be active

with my grandchildren and watch them grow up and I want to see them play

hockey. I got to go work on things at my end in order for that to happen.”

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Dwayne (58 years) also made similar comments related to lifestyle about why he played

hockey:

“I like to enjoy life. I like to eat. I like to drink…I like all aspects of life. I’ve

experienced that staying in good physical condition allows me to enjoy life. It's

like, I can push the envelope on all on all areas, because I stay physically active.”

Overall, these older men perceived the self-maintenance of health that hockey afforded as

a motivator for participation and a beneficial outcome.

Although the participants discussed various benefits, the potential risk associated

with playing a contact sport was not dismissed. Ken (58 years), who experienced

concussions previously, discussed an appreciation of risk due to his history: “If I get

another injury…I might just reflect and think, yeah, I get all this back from hockey, but

there is risk out there the older we get.” Thus, Ken (58 years) was able to appreciate the

benefits that hockey provided him while considering the associated risks that may

ultimately force him to quit playing.

The participants in the current study were not oblivious to significant incidents

that potentially could occur in hockey and deduced that a physical injury would most

likely be the factor that would eventually stop them from participating and thus, end their

‘career’. However, participants also claimed how hockey was essentially their therapy or

that hockey was a combative activity for bodily ailment, acting as ‘physio’ for the body.

Greg (58 years) stated: “It's great, physio to be out on the ice for two hours… the pain

actually dampens or diminishes.” Russ (56 years) during his interview further explained:

“When I get done playing hockey afterwards, it just seems like my all my joints,

everything is all loosened up again, I feel 100% better after playing hockey. It’s

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just like going to a physiotherapist…bending ya and stretching ya and all that

kind of stuff.”

Gordon (71 years) also acknowledged the importance of physical activity for the purpose

of motion as well: “If you have a few aches and pains, if you go out and do stuff, you're

not a couch and you're at least moving.” Furthermore, in his acknowledgement of the

potential risk of playing hockey, especially throughout the later years of life, Dwayne (58

years) discussed the importance adapting the game in consideration of the aging process:

“I learned how to manage my energy now a lot better than when I was younger

and first started to play. So, I know how to manage my energy levels to compete

and to have fun, and I can last the length of the game.”

Although there may be a preconceived notion that playing hockey into later life

may be a dangerous endeavor, the older men in the current study perceived the sport as

an opportunity to continue their engagement with PAL. Furthermore, participating in

hockey was viewed as means to yield physical activity and rehabilitative benefits that

resulted in prolonged quality and quantity of life.

3.3 Social Interaction and Camaraderie

It has been well established that engagement in activities that incorporate social

interaction are essential for contributing to living healthier later years and reducing the

risk of mortality among older adults (Bennet, 2002; Rowe & Kahn, 1997) Accordingly,

older adults have often chosen to maintain engagement in activities particularly related to

social interaction compared to more active leisure pursuits (Carr & Weir, 2019). While

ice hockey has been considered in the echelon of active leisure, there is a prominent

social dynamic within the sport permeating before, during, and after the physical

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participation. Notably, participants gauged what many referred to as the ‘social aspect’ of

hockey, an extensive motivation and meaning of their participation in the sport, often

perceived with similar importance as the opportunity for exercise. The participants

illustrated the importance of this facet by explaining that hockey as a game was the

vehicle for getting to explore and develop the social aspect. By sharing their perspectives

about the atmosphere of the dressing room, both the positive and the negative, the

building of relationships and strengthening of family bonds, and the impact of the

COVID-19 pandemic, the participants provided insights regarding the social aspect of

hockey.

Although participants noted the physical and health benefits associated with

playing hockey, they were quick to note the importance of the aspects beyond the skill

and score keeping. For example, Gerald (76 years) communicated his positive

perspective of on-ice verbal exchanges: “It just lets you kibitz and kid with each other

and have some laughs together… some of the things that guys come up with are just

hilarious back and forth and you know even the on-ice kibtiz.” Lester (60 years)

expressed how the social aspect became more valuable as he aged:

“You know the last 20 or 30 years at least it’s become as much as important as a

social construct, as a social engagement. The time on the ice is valued, but the

time, arriving and in the dressing room and post and having a beer is almost as

important.”

Greg (58 years) also pinpointed the value of the social aspect that was intertwined with

the meaning of hockey when he stated: “again part of the meaning of hockey, or any

recreational sport is the social aspect of it too, it’s before the game during the game and

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after the game.” Conversing and exchanging banter was viewed as commonplace during

gameplay due to the competitive fervor when playing and the time spent on the bench

with other players. However, the dressing room dynamic in particular was a component

of participation primarily related to the social interaction and camaraderie within hockey

for these older men. Lester (60 years) explained that the dressing was a foundation of

building relationships: “That camaraderie, that half hour of getting changed in the

dressing room, gives you a glimpse into people’s personalities, you get to know them

better, you become friends.” This quote implied there was potential for players to remain

anonymous, or perhaps simply be known by their jersey number, which may remove a

vital meaning or connection to hockey if aspects developed in the dressing room were not

present. As the dressing room dynamic in hockey was considered a key element in the

experience, particularly related to conversation and relationship, deeper meanings to this

aspect of the sport were probed throughout interviews with the participants. Many

participants consider the dressing room a safe haven, coinciding with findings previously

reported (Alsarve & Angelin, 2020), where men can speak freely and discuss a variety of

topics without boundaries or risk of exposure to outsiders. To illustrate, Lester (60 years)

promulgated the myriad of topics that were discussed in the dressing room: “There’s very

few subjects that that I think you wouldn’t hear a comment or an opinion on in the

dressing room now.” Gordon (71 years) provided some specifics on the range of topics:

“It’s talking about politics, it’s talking about the rainy weather, it’s talking about the

[explicit language] dressing room, it’s talking about life in general kind of thing.” The

understanding of the freedom of speech the dressing room embodied may illuminate the

comfort and variety of discussion. To further illustrate this unspoken agreement that this

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aspect afforded freedom of speech, Dean (60 years) compared the hockey dressing room

to a popular idiom: “It’s that what happens in Vegas stays in Vegas. What happens,

what’s said in the room stays in the room kind of thing”. Furthermore, through open and

private conversation, Gordon (71 years) shared that this freedom to talk in the dressing

room provided opportunities to gather opinions on general ideas or issues in everyday

life:

“I guess playing hockey was a bridge to for us to have conversations about life

and if I have an issue or I have a discussion…with another other guy that’s in the

same career or I can banter that about with them and then I’m not feeling alone

in my decision making or in my difficulties or in my aspirations, I share that with

other people and the vehicle was a hockey game… the conversation is kind of a

sounding board for your thoughts and a clarification of your thoughts with people

that you share common experience with like hockey.”

In other terms, Gordon (71 years) valued the opportunity to exchange ideas and opinions

with others in privacy, contributing to a healthier, well-rounded mindset that extended

beyond the game of hockey.

Despite the perceived positive outlook of dressing room sociality, not all

conversations and comments were considered appropriate or justified by participants,

representing confliction with the socially constructed dressing room norms. For example,

Dean (60 years) stated: “If it’s not a good room, it really detracts, even if it’s a good

game, if it’s not a good room of people, I find it detracts from the whole experience.”

More simply, Guy (75 years) expressed: “Negative people don’t bring much to the

table”, while Gordon (71 years) added: “Locker room talk…it’s not always the best

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talk.” Although Gordon (71 years) praised the opportunity of social connectedness and

private conversations available in the dressing room, he was critical of others who were

arrogant and misused this freedom. With displeasure, he explained:

“I can see around the corner of the dressing room, and using language that I

would never use in public, you know, using words like [derogatory term] …I

would never use that language outside of the dressing room. I would never use

that language in my own family. I would never use that language in public, but

somehow there’s that language, does kind of creep up in a dressing room, we’re

all guys and it’s kind of a safe place for some guys to say that stuff and get away

with it.”

Gordon (71 years) further went on to place the blame of this ignominious behaviour on

the enabling environment of the dressing room: “I think a lot of this behavior is

environmental” and how individuals would never use that language or speech in a public

setting. Dean (60 years) referred to this phenomenon as the “false bravado macho crap”

and cited maturity as the issue: “Some of us grow up and mature enough to see through

it, some guys don’t.” Although there was the potential for banter to be less than desirable,

the positive aspects tended to prevail. Even if a teammate was a less skilled at playing

hockey, participants recognized the true value of a player was good character that

contributed to a positive dressing room, outweighing poor on-ice performance. For

example, Guy (75 years) expressed: “You know when I look back at the people that I

played with for years…I don’t look at the skill level, I’m looking at what they were like

socially, what they were like as human beings.” In essence for the older men in the

current study, the dressing room was an immeasurable part of the hockey experience with

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the majority of people and conversations being positive contributors, leaving no interest

for negative or detrimental personalities.

As the sport setting offers the beneficial opportunity to develop and maintain

steady relationship for older adults (Gayman et al., 2017a), hockey exemplified this

prospect. Participation in hockey for these older men was primarily a weekly endeavour

with a particular group, presenting a consistent leisure activity as the foundation of

relationships with others. Greg (58 years) said: “My motivation towards it or what does

hockey mean to me, it’s a social event too so it’s not only a sport…I look forward to

getting out every Thursday night and just seeing the guys again.” Additionally, Guy (75

years) who played multiple times a week explained: “You had a connectedness…you

have 30 guys in your community that you’re connecting with that you see three times a

week.” Moreover, several participants explained that their ‘hockey friends’ are often

individuals they only interact with during weekly play, implying that these relationships

did not necessarily carry over into other social gatherings such as dining out and travel.

Charlie (58 years) outlined this differentiation of friend groups:

“It gives you a chance to get together with your friends, and some of these friends

or people that you don’t see outside hockey. But when you see them, their friends

just like your other friends, except it’s just a different venue.”

Furthermore, Ken (58 years) stated: “A lot of those guys, I don’t see them too much

anymore, maybe once or twice a year socially outside of hockey, so it’s the

opportunity…so let’s grab a beer after.” Dean (60 years) added: “We [other players] see

each other more than we do most of our extended families or most of our other friends.”

Several participants noted that hockey relationships were valuable because factors such

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as devotion to family, relocation, and starting careers resulted in the loss of early life

relationships and the feeling that now, in their later years, that they otherwise have

scarcity of friends and social relationships. However, for Russ (56 years), playing hockey

in later life reacquainted him with childhood friends he previously played hockey with

and whom he had not seen since his teenaged years. Although difficult to transcribe, it

was Russ’ joyful tone during his story that expressed how he deeply valued these

serendipitous reunions.

Participants also expanded upon the relationships formed with teammates to be

opportunities to broaden their social network. Dwayne (58 years), who started playing in

adulthood requiring him to find groups to play with, best explained this notion:

“That’s the one of the other benefits of hockey, my relationships, the hockey

introduced me to a whole new group of friendships… I’ve met more people

because of it…it just keeps cycling itself because as hockey players, you know

once you are with one group, they create the opportunity to join others.”

The social network that was developed through hockey participation was reminiscent of a

fraternity or kinship. Gordon (71 years) provided a quote that helped epitomize the

importance and strength of the hockey guild, or social network:

“It was kind of a brotherhood of acquaintances. It’s a brotherhood outside of the

regular home, outside of the nuclear family. It’s a brotherhood of common

believers, a brotherhood of common activity, and a brotherhood that emptied out

into common understandings, you know, you could talk to people at a different

level… you had this camaraderie that you could open up.”

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Although participants primarily related the social interaction and camaraderie of

hockey to be beyond the familial composition, there was also recognition of the

genealogical connection. Hockey was considered an intergenerational sport, particularity

within the recreational setting, affording a divergence of age groups to participate with

one another. For the participants who had the luxury of playing with their sons, they

highlighted the father-son relationship within hockey as an integral but underscored part

of their experience. Conveying the added thrill of playing with his son, Greg (58 years)

noted: “That’s the other aspect of adult rec hockey, if you can get your older children

involved in it, it’s so much fun watching them play.” Although recognizing that age-

related factors alter hockey participation, Lester (60 years) expressed his appreciation of

playing with his sons:

“You appreciate the fact that… I can play with my sons on the ice at the same

time. Now, we both bring different things to the table but the fact that we’re both

playing the same sport is a feather in our cap.”

Some participants classified the experience of playing with their sons as a reason to keep

playing. Furthermore, some participants expressed how the opportunity to play

intergenerational hockey strengthened the relationship with their next of kin. Charlie (58

years) shared how hockey encompassed this bonding by having a common interest:

“It’s just another way to bond with your family, I mean they’re a family right and

the more things you have in common, you know, the better it is to spend more time

with your family, in this case my kids…and hockey is one interests that that keeps

us bonded, whether it’s playing or watching hockey.”

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As the value and elation of social camaraderie was consistently expressed during

the interviews with these older men, conversations about Covid-19 restrictions further

demonstrated the importance of the ‘social aspect’ in hockey. To illuminate the relevance

of the interactions with others afforded when playing hockey, when asked of the absence

of hockey due to Covid-19, the majority of participants noted the dominant consequence

as missing their ‘hockey friends’. Lester (60 years) said: “Now you miss that (social

aspect) as much as you missed the actual physical activity, the pandemic has shown us

that… because you see them every week and you talk about everything under the sun.”

Further illustrating the importance of the social interaction being lost due to the

pandemic, Dwayne (58 years) noted: “I miss it dearly… the game itself, I’ve been able to

do without it…but the biggest thing I think I lost is the social aspect of it.” Dean (60

years), who alluded to some personal issues he encountered in his life during Covid-19,

reinforced the value of hockey as a social construct to him:

“A lot of us have realized we missed that portion (social) of it as much as we do

the being on the ice stuff. We’re a lot closer with a lot of these guys than we think,

and it took me sitting back for a while to realize, yeah, that’s why it affects me

that way.”

It was evident that interruptions to playing hockey, such as the pandemic, but also

familial responsibilities, most notably impacted the social benefits of participating. Such

benefits were perceived to be the bonds developed with people of similar interests even if

the only interactions were hockey-based, with individuals known during previous phases

of life, and with next of kin. Adding to the importance of a shared PAL was the intimacy

of the banter and interactions both on and off the ice (e.g., locker room). However, it was

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noted among these older men that the nature of the communication, attitudes, and

behaviour, needed to remain neutral or positive in order to be perceived as advantageous,

endorsed, and desirable.

3.4 Competition and Leisure

Participation in competitive sport for older adults, particularly within Western

society, has traditionally been considered obsolete due to stereotypes of aging (e.g.,

bodily decline) and the emphasis of leisure in later life (Blaikie, 1999). Furthermore,

sport participation for older adults has generally targeted aspects of pure enjoyment and

social interaction (Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007). However, the perceptions of aging,

especially the appropriateness of physical activity, have altered in recent decades,

increasing opportunities for competitive sport tailored to older adults as well as

potentially normalizing their participation in such endeavours (Featherstone & Hepworth,

1995; Gard et al., 2017). The presence of competition in sport has been identified as a

valuable facet of the sport experience for older adults, serving as a participation motivator

and reinforcing the shifting perspective related to aging and sports (Dionigi & O’Flynn,

2007). The subtheme topics that emerged from the interviews were that competition was

fun and the driving motivational force for continued participation, that hockey was

inherently competitive but needed to be relative to the person, and that by reflecting upon

a life history with the sport, acceptance or dismissal of an individual’s aging identity may

dictate the level of competition displayed.

For the participants, hockey was consistently considered an enjoyable and social

leisure activity to fill free time. While participants feelings were common with findings in

related research (Allain, 2020; Dionigi et al., 2011a; Dionigi, 2006), there was not an

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absence from the competitive nature of sport entirely. Russ (56 years) stated: “That's the

whole thing about hockey…it's a lot of fun but it's competitive too.” Charlie (58 years)

shared sentiments about the balance of enjoyment and competitiveness: “I still want to

win badly, but if you don't win, did you have fun?” Specifically, Dwayne (58 years)

accentuated the encompassment of fun in lifelong activities while explaining competition

as a lifelong fixture:

“Competition almost has to exist in everybody, no matter what you do, you got to

have that fire in your belly, so that if you're raising a family you gotta have some

competition to raise your kids with having some fire in them, because that's what

drives you to succeed. So, sports is another avenue to compete, right? Everything

we do, we compete, we go to work, we have to compete. We want to make a living,

we have to compete. So, it's all about survival it’s just about competing in life,

right? So, on the rink it's just competing, but it's having fun, right? It’s just the

competition that drives you.”

In essence, these older men emphasized that hockey was primarily a sport played for

‘fun’ but competing hard and trying win was a fundamentally embedded part of the sport

that ultimately contributes to their motivation and enjoyment.

In particular, hockey was positioned as an inherently competitive sport,

differentiated from other physical activities such as biking or golf. As Dwayne (58 years)

explained: “I get a lot of satisfaction out there…it’s (hockey) not a casual bike

ride…everybody I find likes to compete.” The participants also shared that hockey could

be played just for fun, but the competitive element introduces this accountability and

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recognition that you are one member of a greater whole. To illustrate, Ken (58 years)

said:

“If we weren’t competitive and it was just for fun, then technically we wouldn’t

keep score…when you keep score, then and all of a sudden you feel like you don't

want to let the guys down… if you missed the goal that you should have got…you

kind of feel bad, but that's part of the competition thing.”

Although for some participants, they viewed the competition in hockey to be a product of

the nature of the game and the attitude of the players, whereas others recognized the level

of competition may need to be tailored to the individual. Charlie (58 years) highlighted

the exhilaration of enjoyment as a product of competition: “Your competitive

nature…everyone wants to be good at whatever they do. You get self-gratification…it

feeds your ego.” Gerald (76 years) agreed competition in sport was a vital component

into older age, but should not be at the sacrifice of inclusion: “You always want to have

sort of a competitive experience and then be challenged and have everybody able to

participate the same level.” Greg (58 years) also shared that competition is what makes

hockey enjoyable, but players should “find their level of hockey” to reap the optimal

benefits. In other words, although the vying element may be inherent within hockey, as a

player ages, the level of competition may need to be relative to the individual.

Interestingly, although the participants recognized that competition was built into

the experience of playing hockey, they also alluded to persistent aging and physical

activity stereotypes and expressed how competition for older adults needs to be

transformed. There was this perception among participants that the majority of older

adult players understood this unwritten axiom that the goal of engaging in hockey was no

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longer to fulfill a dream of playing in the National Hockey League (NHL). As a result,

the over-competitive players in adult and senior hockey leagues were considered outliers

and associated with negative perceptions and labels. For example, prevalent comments by

the participants included: “Like what are you doing at your age, play the puck,” or; “You

can't be slashing in hockey at 55, 60 years old,” or; “Dude were playing for a beer and a

T shirt here like nobody needs to end up in the ER today.” Additionally, it was common

among participants to use labels such as ‘goon’ or ‘wildcard’ to express their opinions of

over-competitive players. Following the passionate conversations about the overly

competitive players, participants realized their own position with hockey as perhaps

being more related to their own aging identity and acceptance with the need for change

and compensation, whereas others may be driven to ignore and dismiss their needed

aging accommodations. This awareness of the participants came from a reflection of

playing hockey across their lifetime. Lester (60 years) expressed: “I must admit that I

think there's less of a competitive streak now.” Dean (60 years) also explained: “You can

be competitive, but you just have to realize it's not the most important thing in your life

when you're in your 50s.” Furthermore, Charlie (58 years) stated: “At the end of the day,

were out here to have fun so don't take it so seriously. So, yeah, I think I've mellowed.”

This was not to imply that the drive or fervor to be competitive or win dissipates, but

rather the perspectives and attitudes may need to recalibrate. Like others, Gordon (71

years) explained his position from an aging standpoint:

“I still have the edge but if we don't win, we don’t win. I'm not gonna beat up my

dog because of it. You don’t win, you don't win. The perspective of the game has

changed, but play is still there.”

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When comparing to their sport participation in youth, these older men expounded that

their competitive desire had diminished, but had not disappeared, in order to support a

more inclusive and safer experience for all participants involved. Therefore, competition

among older men’s hockey could be characterized as a delicate balance of challenging

other competitors and embodying enjoyment to facilitate an environment of fair play.

However, as competition was a prominent and valuable component of the hockey

experience for older men, it varied according to different factors such formality of games,

relations to other players, and age groups.

Tournament and organized leagues were conceptualized as the more formal play

of recreational hockey, while ‘pick-up’ was labelled as informal play. The latter was

normally characterized as a fun and social outing, where the end result was less important

than pure participation. As Charlie (58 years) explained:

“So, the pickup is more, it’s competitive, but it doesn't mean anything and it's

more of let's just have fun…there's more laughing, there's more joking around

and it's just more fun…it's a fun atmosphere.”

Contrastingly, tournament and organized league play seemed to escalate the competitive

qualities of senior men’s hockey as it encompassed a more authentic form of

participation. Gordon (71 years) detailed the difference of formal and informal hockey he

has experienced:

“The game changed when you went to tournaments…it got faster, it got tougher

and it got mean, not in the angry way, mean in the you know, believable in a

way…the score was important so that changed the perspective.”

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Additionally, Ken (58 years) focused on the authenticity of formal play: “I do enjoy the

philosophy or the style of leagues in a different way because I like the fact that everybody

takes super short shifts, the whole line changes quick.” Like Ken, Dwayne (58 years)

stated:

“I think they're great…the tournament weekends for senior men…it's another

opportunity for groups of guys to get together with like-minded people to

compete, where you're fighting, and it's organized, you got referees. So, there is

some type of structure involved where you have people that are out there, it's

closer to a real game.”

Furthermore, formal competition commonly incorporated age groups, allowing players of

similar ages compete against one another as Guy (75 years) stated:

“I had the opportunity to play for the All-Ontario championships for 60 and over

and the Ontario's 75 and over and then the Michigan for 75 and 70 and over and

so that's a little bit more heightened competition. They want to win, there's a

trophy at the end of that they want to win.”

In particular, Dean (60 years) joked about the prizes for tournament winners as the reason

for heightened competition: “I mean you got to play well, I mean my god there's a beer

and a T-shirt on the line here, you better be giving 100%.” Although it was

acknowledged that formal games were for ‘fun’, features such as scores and statistics

being tracked, along with winning prizes, whether it was trophies, money, or beer, were

influential in increasing levels of competition for these older men. Moreover, the

authenticity of formal play and the associated heightened levels of competition were

considered an attractive aspect for many participants.

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Regarding relations with other players, some participants claimed that playing

against or within a group of friends/repetitive players was a more enjoyable competitive

experience due to familiarity and the consensual understanding of the informal rules

developed within the group. For example, Dwayne (58 years) explained:

“So, for pickup, it’s more or less a, we all know each other, we all have our

informal rules out here. We know how to get along with each other, we all know

each other's good things and bad things, we know who to stay away from. We

know who not to piss off and who might be a loose cannon. That's just

because…it's like playing with your brothers.”

Additionally, some participants expressed feelings of uncertainty and hesitation when

playing against unfamiliar players. Gerald (76 years), who played in a variety of groups,

summarized: “There's always a certain set of group norms in every group and I always

feel when I go to a new group, I just got to sort of sit back and figure that out as to what

their group norms are.” In essence, there was an adaptive process to competition where

these older men gauged how hard to compete to align with the current group, in order to

embrace fair play and respect.

Playing with players of varying ages also had an influence. The intergenerational

factor of recreational hockey presented scenarios where players of different ages

participated together, such as players 20-to-60 years of age. For the older men who had

been able to play with younger counter parts, hockey was situated as one of the few

higher intensity team sports that accommodated competition among a disparity of age

groups. For example, Dwayne (58 years) highlighted hockey as a unique opportunity to

compete against younger players:

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“It’s one of the sports that I'm able to do…to compete with the youth, right? Like,

you can measure your athleticism…it's kind of hard to play football against a

young person, it's kind of hard to play basketball in a pickup game five on five

with a bunch of 18- or 20-year olds, but you can participate in the game (hockey)

with the younger people at a higher level than you can any other sport.”

Specifically, the ability to play hard and match the pace of younger players was an

empowering and motivating experience for these older men. Ken (58 years) explained his

embracement of challenge when playing against younger players despite accepting his

perceived physical capabilities:

“And then occasionally if we’re lined up against young kids it's fun to try to keep

up, you know you can't, but it’s fun to try once in a while and get an extra, you

know, a little more jump in your skate and don’t give up.”

Moreover, Russ (56 years) stated: “Tuesday night, we play the old guys against the young

guys...most of the older guys like playing against young guys because it keeps them (older

guys) on their toes.” Notably, Greg (58 years) expressed intergenerational competition

from playing against his son in ‘pick up’:

“It’s a competitive thing, it was just looking down the ice, I'm playing against my

son. He's a very good goalie and just to watch him play was exciting. And in my

own mind, my own simple mental challenges…I'm going to out compete my son,

which I never could. But it was always fun. And I've only beat him once in all the

times I've played against him all the years.”

Despite many participants acknowledging their inferior physical capabilities to younger

players due to their age, they embraced the challenge of the unique opportunity.

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However, it was worth noting most participants had positive experiences competing with

younger players, but some commented that the overcompetitive, selfish, and aggressive

behaviours of youth players were vilified and detracted from the experience. Although

the participants recognized the importance of embedded competition, they also

acknowledged that when playing hockey in later life, the fervor transformed to a source

of motivation rather than a primary reason to play.

3.5 Youthfulness

For many older men, sport produced a nostalgic pleasure where their experiences

were viewed through a youthful lens. Sport epitomized the meaning of being a young

boy, providing an opportunity to engage with others, be competitive, separate themselves

from girls, and find pure enjoyment in play (Hartmann, 2003). Additionally, the onset of

sport exposure for men has often been during early childhood through school and minor

sport organizations, granting a plethora of opportunities for participation (Drummond,

2008; Hartmann, 2003). However, sport participation, especially regarding variety,

tapered off during adulthood, often leaving older men to narrow down their sport

participation to options that either held meaning from their childhood or were optimally

an accessible choice (Drummond, 2008). Furthermore, older athletes previously

emphasized expressing youthfulness and negotiating notions of growing older as key

aspects of participation and motivation in sport (Dionigi, 2002b; Dionigi, 2006b; Dionigi

& O’Flynn, 2007). Therefore, maintaining sport participation in later life is viewed as

emulating many of the positive experiences from childhood. Notably, the older men in

the current study discussed the imprint of hockey during their childhood, and the ability

to reproduce or continually portray carefree youthfulness through playing hockey.

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For the participants, their exposure and participation with respect to hockey dated

back to early childhood. Many commented on simply playing hockey with neighbours

and friends in the streets or on the ponds, using whatever wood sticks and equipment that

could be gathered. Participants explained that this informal play cultivated a love for the

sport that their involvement progressed to organized minor hockey. Charlie (58 years)

explained his upbringing with hockey:

“I just learned it through the neighborhood kids, and I loved it from day one. I

remember as a kid, making my own hockey sticks…I get two pieces of wood, nail

them together and I would use that as a hockey stick.”

Greg (58 years) also shared this all-encompassing and contagious exposure to hockey:

“my brothers played hockey and you just watch it on TV as a little kid.” Moreover,

childhood was when participants found their love for the game of hockey, whether it was

through playing, spectating, or watching professionals on television. Gerald (76 years)

reminisced:

“I think it starts off as a kid that you’re interested in your NHL team, and you

play just like them. And then you get into playing and you can pretend you are

Guy Lafleur or pretend you’re, whatever. So, you develop the love for the game,

the activity…. And you keep at it and you keep playing and you get the enjoyment

out of it.”

Additionally, Dwayne (58 years) explained the continuum of sport throughout the

lifecouse when he stated: “I think being a kid, if you’ve had that upbringing where you

played organized sports it stays with you your whole life.” Furthermore, the love for

hockey developed in early childhood continued to resonate for the participants into their

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older adulthood, connecting them to their past by experiencing a similar youthful

sensation and passion through play.

Participants also shared that because of the imprint of hockey during their

childhood, they were also able to reproduce the experiences, the feelings, the abilities of

their youth each time they entered the arena or step upon the ice. Lester (60 years)

explained the re-creation of his youth through hockey:

“Because for that hour you’re a kid again…all your thinking about is the next

shift, the next goal and even if you had a bad shift, you’re like a kid again, you

want to get back out there to amends. So, your literally in your youth, you’re

transported back in time it seems almost.”

Likewise, Greg (58 years) expressed youthfulness when discussing his childhood goals:

“One of my fantasies in my head and as a little kid… I’d love to play ‘til I’m in my mid-

90s, I’d love to be out on the ice cruising around.” This quote escaped the idea of

competitive sport to transcend earthbound abilities to this idea of fluid freedom and pure

joy. From a different perspective, Ken (58 years) focused on the tangible characteristics

of hockey that connected him to his youth:

“I love hockey, I love the sound of the skates on that ice when you first step out

for the warm up, you know the sounds of the boards, when the puck rings off the

post, all those things in one sense, it kind of brings me to my childhood too, makes

me feel younger again, makes me feel like a kid.”

It was almost similar to the concept of Pavlov’s dog in that a specific sound or sensation

when playing hockey elicited youthfulness. In essence, maintaining participation in

hockey provided an avenue to recreate youthful experiences and to continually portray a

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sense of immunity. One of the benefits participants seemed to allude to when referring to

their youth was the ability to enjoy activity without external stress and worry. Participants

were commonly explaining how hockey recreated their youth or was conceptualized as an

escape. Lester (60 years) in particular concentrated on hockey being an escape from the

stressors of everyday life with reference to the absence of worry in childhood:

“That little period in the dressing room, you know you’re a kid again, you might

be a 50 something father of three, but for that three hours…by leaving the house,

getting dressed, certainly for that hour on the ice you’re a kid again because you

don’t worry…you don’t think about work the next day.”

Accordingly, many of these older men expressed that when playing hockey, they were

not necessarily thinking about other responsibilities or issues in their life that may

accompany adulthood. Instead, the sole focus for the time allotted at the rink was spent

enjoying participation and time with others worry-free, mirroring the experiences from

youth.

Despite the articulation of pure enjoyment in childhood, some men discussed the

internal conflict about how the excitement of playing hockey and the associated euphoria

of youthfulness rejected the notion of lost function or ability. Gerald (76 years) stated:

“Probably still see myself a lot better than I am, still see myself as a lot younger

than I am, but everybody else sees the truth…The attitude and the approach to it

[hockey], I think you still get just as excited about it. Still want to compete as hard

as I can.”

Although Gerald (76 years) acknowledged his declining performance in old age, he

brought similar approaches of competition and enjoyment from his youth to hockey,

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contributing to his youthful self-perception. Dean (60 years), although made jokingly,

expressed a similar sentiment:

“I don’t feel as old as I know I am and sometimes that’s a bit of a hassle because

there are things I shouldn’t be doing anymore…I’m not acting always the way a

60-year-old man should act at this point in his life…screw that I’m having fun.”

Although comments like Dean’s implied an existing undertone of ageism or aging

stereotypes, playing hockey into later life provided Ken (58 years) a conscious

awakening that getting older did correlate with disfunction, inability, and lost youthful

experiences:

“I remember when I was your [researcher] age, I thought guys over 60 or older

were older than the dirt, and now that I’m approaching it and all our buddies, I

don’t feel like that, I don’t act like that…I don’t want to let father time dictate

what I’m going to do, so as long as I can [play hockey], I think it’ll make me feel

younger.”

Despite sport for older adults often being less intense in nature, the ability to

compete against others and push physical limits for these older men echoed the practices

from their upbringings in competitive sport. Therefore, the older men explained and

valued the youthfulness participation in hockey conveyed consistently with the findings

of research pertaining to older adults and sport (e.g., Dionigi, 2002b, Dionigi, 2006b;

Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007). Notably, many participants, although in the later years of their

lives, claimed they did not feel as old as they were and perceived themselves as younger

than their actual age.

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3.6 Identity and Pride

In recent decades, research examining the relationship between identity and men,

particularity in sport, has been underscored due to the historical construction of sport,

increased opportunities for participation, and exposure through expansive media

(Drummond, 2008; Earle, 1995; Grant, 2001; Hartmann, 2003; Stathokostas & Jones,

2016; Vertinsky, 1995). For many men, sport has been a medium for constructing

personal identity through firsthand participation and experience, as well as perceptions of

others who partake in sport (Drummond, 2008; Hartmann, 2003). Specifically, being

exposed to the elite professional hockey leagues has shaped men’s perceptions of what a

hockey player is and how to be one (Allain, 2021). As the older men in this study

commonly indicated a lifetime involvement in hockey as a sport was tied to

meaningfulness and enjoyment, and hockey, as well as being a hockey player, developed

part of their self-identification, particularly at their current stage in life. Overall, identity

related to hockey participation for these older men encompassed their perspectives of role

models, the pride of being an older hockey player, and overcoming aging stigmas.

Notably, the common preconception of the prominence of Canadian identity related to

hockey emerged secondarily compared to the aforementioned themes of identity for these

older men who continue to play hockey; as such, this latter subtheme was moved to the

appendices (Appendix E).

Many participants commented on their indulgence in watching their favourite

players and teams on television, and how doing so influenced their perceptions and

participation related to hockey. Accordingly, Greg (58 years) explained his infatuation

with watching professional hockey: “You put these guys on a pedestal and you fantasize

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about what hockey is and what it is about being an NHL hockey player.” Furthermore,

some of the participants expressed their admiration for men older than themselves who

continued to participate in hockey, establishing motivation for longevity and role-models

to imitate one day. For example, Charlie (58 years) shared his thoughts about watching a

94-year-old play hockey: “We watched him, and he didn’t stand out, he wasn’t out of

place, and that was like motivation for us to want to be him. We want to play hockey

when we’re that old.” Similarly, Ken (58 years) looked to his older neighbour who

continued to play hockey: “I want that to be me.” Additionally, Dwayne (58 years)

explained his admiration for older players: “I’m motivated by people that I know that are

older than me, that are doing it at 70 years old, and their role models for me because

they stay in great shape, and they still play hockey.” Specifically, Gordon (71 years)

described role-models with an emphasis on ability and health-outcomes:

“They’re doing something and they’re far ahead of the majority…I admire the

ones who still play hockey. I really admire the guys who can skate and play

hockey, and it’s their thing and it’s better than being on the couch.”

Using a role model approach, these older men drew social comparisons to others within

the same contextual sport experience to project their future aspirations of continuing to be

older hockey players. Essentially, the ability to play hockey in older age for these men

bolstered their sense of pride, reinsuring that they could maintain performance in the

sport at their age and still be considered a ‘hockey player’; that age would not steal that

aspect of their identity but instead emphasize their dignity in such characterization.

In particular, the participants celebrated their ‘doing’ of aging, framing the ability

to continue to play hockey in later life as an accomplishment from both a physical and

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socioeconomical standpoint. For example, Lester (60 years) discussed his sense of

accomplishment through participating in senior hockey tournaments:

“I’ve achieved a status now that I can play with the old guys, and we’re still

playing and that’s the goal…you’ve stayed healthy and you have the time and you

have the money to be able to play the tournament’s, that’s more the enjoyment out

of it.”

Respectively, when describing the ability to continue to play hockey along with others,

Dean (60 years) stated: “It means you’ve probably got a fairly decent balance in your

life. You realize that everybody around me is pretty successful.” Moreover, Guy (75

years) simply said: “because I can still do it” when surmising why hockey was his

favourite sport to play. From an aging perspective, Gordon (71 years) explained what it

was like to push his body limits during hockey in older age: “It’s invigorating, it was

stimulating… you feel accomplished.” Essentially, these older men consistently expressed

appreciation and pride for their continuity in a meaningful sport, even if hockey was

taken up in adulthood as Dwayne (58 years) said: “I proved to myself there’s never too

late to learn.”

Notably, some participants were amendable in sharing experiences where others

questioned their participation, further demonstrating a prominent sense of pride.

However, through the participant’s experiences, their assertations of overcoming aging

stigmas and the way others perceive them was noticed. In particular, Lester (60 years),

Dean (60 years) and Gordon (71 years) all encountered the aforementioned experiences

where the common question they were asked by others were variations of: “You still play

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hockey?” Lester (60 years) spoke decisively when asked about people questioning his

participation:

“I’m offended by that a little bit…because their attitude is, you’re 50 something, or

now 60 something and you’re still playing. Their attitude is, why are you doing

that? So, now it’s a point of pride. Like why would I stop? Why, should I stop? If I

can, why shouldn’t I.”

Similar to Lester, Dean (60 years) shared a conversation with a nurse while getting

stitches from an on-ice incident. According to his account of the interaction, the nurse

asked: “Aren’t you a little old to still be doing that (hockey)?” to which Dean (60 years)

firmly replied he was not. Additionally, when Gordon (71 years) was questioned about

participation, his rebuttal was:

“Of course, I play hockey. What do you do? Do you do something physically?

What do you do to maintain your physical, because you have to do something

every day, because if you don’t, you go down the wrong chute of life. I think you

gotta do something and hockey is enjoyable, so you gotta do something enjoyable.

There’s a lot of crappy people out there you know.”

Interestingly, participants seemed to take offense to such comments, refuting

stereotypical perceptions of ‘doing’ aging and taking pride in their hockey ability.

Furthermore, questioning insinuated social comparison where the participants would

identify with more active older adults and individuals who questioned participation did

not understand the importance of hockey and more generally, physical activity in later

life.

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Ultimately, these older men were motivated to continue participation in hockey as

it reinforced their identity as an older hockey player (with an emphasis on older as that

was a source of pride within their identity as a hockey player) and deviation from aging

stigmas. Ken (58 years) reflected on the internal dispute between negotiating socially

constructed aging norms and continued participation in hockey:

“I always used to think I’m one injury away from maybe saying screw it… part of

it is maybe ego and you don’t want to admit you’re too old to play anymore…I

know guys are playing in their 60s and 70s even though it can be a tough sport.”

Although, continued participation may be perceived as placing unnecessary pressure on

themselves, inducing physical and mental stress, the participants spoke lightheartedly and

embraced the challenge of playing as long as possible. Respectively, Gerald (76 years)

shared his personal goal: “I think he’s in the Guinness World Book of Records for being

the oldest living hockey player at 99…but I’d like to beat his record” – speaking both the

continued goal of identifying as an older hockey player, but also illustrating the use of

even older players as role models and a source of motivation to keep playing.

3.7 Accessibility and Opportunity

With the benefits and normalization of engaging in physical activity for older

adults becoming profoundly recognized, there was a corresponding requirement to

improve accessibility and increase opportunities for this population related to sport and

physical activity (Dionigi, 2017). In doing so, organizations, facilities, and promotional

strategies have had the potential to position sport and physical activity as an accessible

and appealing portion of leisure time. However, sport and physical activity have not been

viewed as accessible nor of widespread interest to all older adults, highlighting the need

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to consider factors pertaining to older adults’ physical activity behaviours and the design

of the sporting experience (Dionigi, 2017). Additionally, gathering the opinions of older

adults could prove to be a valuable asset as they have witnessed the evolution of the sport

of physical activity landscape throughout their lifetime. Through the perspectives of the

participants, notions of opportunity and accessibility associated with hockey participation

emerged from the interview transcripts. What emerged from the voices of the participants

was that the accessibility and opportunity to participate in hockey was influenced by

lifestyle factors (e.g., work-life balance, retirement, family dynamics), organized leagues

and tournaments, the affordability of hockey, and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.

With respect to opportunity, personal and environmental factors seemed to impact

the frequency of hockey participation for the participants. To illustrate, several

participants underscored the current position in their lives as influential for participation,

especially compared to their past circumstances. For example, participants mentioned

free time surges in later life due to the absence of raising children and changes in work-

life balance (i.e., retirement), presenting consistent findings from similar research (Carr

& Weir, 2019). Regarding raising children, Lester (60 years) explained how devoting

time to playing hockey was less difficult as he and his children aged:

“Now I can prioritize it [hockey] a little bit better…before when you have kids

and whatnot, you could make it…you couldn't play three times a week that was

just too much so you pick one, you played once, and as the kids got older than you

try to play twice, add a third time or something like that.”

Gerald (76 years) expressed how playing hockey more frequently was an advantage of

retirement: “I've got the chance to play more than I did when I was 50…I can play six,

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seven times a week and throw a tournament in there and make it eleven times a week.”

Furthermore, Dean (60 years) mentioned his “changing work-life balance” framing

leisure time (e.g., playing hockey) as an expanding integral part of his life as he aged and

as the workload at his job decreased. Specifically, Russ (56 years) and Ken (58 years),

who both worked fulltime at the time of the interview, expressed their interest in joining

daytime senior men’s hockey leagues in addition to their weekly hockey endeavors, such

as the ‘Silver Fox League’, once retirement freed up additional time in their daily routine.

Gerald (76 years) also conveyed the accessibility that retirement provided, this included

aspects of time and expenses: “Retirement frees up your time. Some of our ice costs, with

seniors group and daytime ice is less, so you can play more, and it doesn’t cost as

much.” It was evident among the discussions with participants that work-life balance in

later life, additional free time often afforded by retirement, and changing family

dynamics allowed them to conveniently include hockey in their leisure time.

Although personal behaviours and lifestyle were important for accessibility and

opportunity to participate in hockey, the participants also suggested that in recent decades

there were increased opportunities for older men to play hockey, particularly with

organized leagues and tournaments. Dean (60 years) conveyed the increase in

opportunities when he said:

“I also think there's more opportunities now than there was like let's say back in

my dad's day, back in the 60s and 70s. There was men's league hockey back then,

but there wasn't a proliferation of it like there is now, there's leagues everywhere

now.”

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Furthermore, Dean (60 years) added that the current generation of older adults and

stakeholders had placed greater importance for maintaining a physically active lifestyle

(i.e., Participaction) compared to the previous generation, contributing to the expansion

of opportunities for physical activity (e.g., hockey) in later life. Gerald (76 years) also

expressed the advancements of the Ontario Senior Games to accommodate older hockey

players and athletes of other sports:

“They've [Ontario Senior Games] been very instrumental in promoting physical

activity for adults over 55 and you can see by the growth of it, how well that's

turned out and how many participants, and how many people it’s encouraged to

get involved in that manner.”

Although Gerald (76 years) pinpointed 55 years of age and older in his comment, Guy

(75 years) discussed an older cohort and the increase of senior men’s hockey tournaments

for older age groups: “We have a tournament team that’s 70 and over…they're now

starting more 70 and over tournaments. So, we've played in about three or four of them.”

However, Gerald (76 years) expressed that as he aged, opportunities were scarce for

players 75 and 80 years of age and older, but encouraged hockey organizations to

continuously expand opportunities for older age groups. Nonetheless, the presence and

knowledge of senior’s men’s hockey was more prominent today than before, generating

more opportunities and promotion for older men’s participation. Moreover, aside from

the observed increase in opportunity, the participants often mentioned the presence of

age-specific hockey (e.g., 50+, 60+, 70+, years of age) and divisions based on skill (e.g.,

A, B, C division) continued to be common within the infrastructure of senior men’s

hockey for leagues and tournaments. In doing so, the incorporation of age-groups and

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divisions afforded the opportunity for older men to participate with other participants

within the same age range and skill level, and participants viewed this favourably.

With regards to the accessibility being the opportunity to play hockey,

participants insisted that there were little to no barriers affecting their participation

especially as more leagues, tournaments, and ice times became available. However, one

aspect of accessibility that frequented conversation with the participants was the cost

associated with hockey participation. It has been well-known that hockey is one of the

most expensive sports to account for between equipment and ice time. Moreover, older

adults have indicated the affordability of sport and physical activities they desire to

partake in as being essential, with excessive cost as an identified barrier to physical

activity participation among older adults (Costello et al., 2011; Deneau et al., 2019a).

Participants mentioned the financials of hockey, but most did retrospectively, where

hockey was expensive in childhood rather than currently in their lives. In particular,

Dwayne (58 years) explained: “I always liked hockey as a kid growing up, but based on

the social economics of my family, really didn't create an opportunity to play hockey.”

Greg (58 years) also noted the lack of financial affluence his family had but how

participation in an activity was made a priority: “With my socio-economic status, my

parents were never rich, but they always made sure that we could do something that was

active and fortunately [that] was hockey.” Gerald (76 years) shared a similar experience

in that his family growing up was lower class, but fortunately, the only sport accessible to

play in the winter was hockey. Despite the promulgation of the financial quagmire in

hockey, many participants acknowledged the expenses of playing hockey, even in older

age, but did not perceive it as a barrier, at least not for them. Although the cost of playing

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hockey in older age was considered manageable due to preserving equipment and

affordable ice time, this may be due in part to the socioeconomic status of the

participants, where some even considered being able to play and afford hockey as a

financial accomplishment and privilege. Guy (75 years) conveyed his disregard for

expenses: “I mean now you can buy whatever you want because were successful people.”

With more detail, Greg (58 years) genuinely expressed:

“I truly see my position where I'm playing and I can continue to play, hopefully

‘til 93 if I live that long…as a very privileged position because you know what, it

was offered to me, and it was there were no barriers to me. The only barrier there

was either my parents disapproving of the sport or not interested in it or not being

able to afford it. And that's the other barrier…hockey is a privilege sport because

it's very expensive, equipment wise. And for us, you know, just regular hockey

fees.”

As the participants illustrated, they were cognizant that accessibility to play hockey may

be hindered by financial burden. However, among the particular participants of the

current study, notably older Caucasian men, they did not see costs as a current concern

for their involvement, rather, conceiving hockey as an accessible activity in their leisure

time.

As data collection for this study took place in the year 2021, it would be remiss to

not extrapolate on the opportunities and accessibility for hockey with the participants

with respect to the implications of Covid-19 restrictions. Despite the restrictions largely

preventing the opportunity to play hockey at the time when the interviews took place, the

participants shared the noticeable absence of hockey in their lives but they also

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communicated the adaptive choices they made to ensure the assets of hockey, such as the

embedded physical and psychosocial benefits, were ascertained through other PAL

pursuits. For example, with respect to the absence of hockey, Greg (58 years) shared:

“We're going to be on a hiatus here for a little bit, it [missing hockey] didn't

bother me any way shape or form, because I found other things to keep myself

occupied, but I'm really looking forward to going back.”

This illustrated further how hockey has been the vessel that provided access to the

embedded benefits of participation. However, the perspectives of the participants further

highlighted that the vessel itself was interchangeable with other pursuits. For example,

both Dwayne (58 years) and Gerald (76 years) were supplanting hockey by cycling more

frequently. They each further added that they had increased the amount of cycling they

perform, especially in groups, in order to “fill in” the void not playing hockey had left.

Thus, cycling had become the new vessel for them to provide beneficial exercise and

social interaction. Placing the physical and psychosocial benefits aside, other participants

discussed the need to fill the time that was otherwise devoted to playing hockey. For

example, Russ (56 years) shared how playing hockey effectively distracted his mind and

filled his free time at night; thus, during the pandemic he found himself watching “a lot

of shows on Netflix” to occupy relaxing leisure time. Ultimately, the perspectives from

the participants were that when they were faced with barriers or constraints to PAL, they

would find alternative activities to enjoy in leisure, a perspective supported within the

literature (Liechty and Genoe, 2013).

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4.0 Discussion

The purpose of the study was to gather the perspectives and lived experiences of

Canadian men aged 50 years of age and older who participated in ice hockey to forge an

understanding of how the sport may influence the aging process. The interviews aimed to

uncover a deeper understanding of the meaning and motivation for hockey participation

within this cohort, while considering the historical, social, and political factors that may

influence participation. Furthermore, as the concept of physical literacy has become more

prominent in recent decades, this study had an underlying intention to begin exploring

how participating in hockey within older age may relate to being a physically literate

individual. Overall, hockey participation was a multifaceted meaningful aspect of PAL

within the lives of the participants, particularly as a contributing factor to successful

aging and understanding physically literacy.

Within the context of assessing the aging process, this group of participants was

not directly asked to define or convey feelings of successful aging, but often related the

outcomes and ability of participation in hockey as an implication of individualistic

successful aging. To generalize the participants, they could be considered an overall

‘active’ group (i.e., meeting PA guidelines) in order to compare to similar research.

When participants spoke of the meaning of hockey participation in later life, all fixated

on the maintenance health and bodily functioning into older age as a reason to continuing

playing. The participants adherence to maintaining physical and cognitive functioning

through PAL, in this case hockey, demonstrated similarities with Rowe and Kahn’s

(1997) Biomedical Model of Successful aging which encompassed factors such as

absence of disease and maintaining an active lifestyle. Furthermore, Deneau et al.

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(2019b) studied the meaning of successful aging among active older Canadian men and

found similar perspectives of aging successfully that encompassed biomedical aspects,

where participants separated themselves from less active older adults who demonstrated a

greater expanse of negative views of aging. Although the older men in the current study

conveyed aging through a biomedical lens like other active older men, alternative

perspectives of successful aging were also noticed.

With the social aspect of hockey participation consistently mentioned and valued

on the same plane as the physical aspects, psychosocial approaches to successful aging

were apparent among the participants. Essentially, the Psychosocial Model of Successful

Aging emerged as it emphasizes social interaction, life satisfaction, and personal

achievement and growth as key features to aging, while placing less importance on

previously mentioned biomedical elements (Bowling & Dieppe, 2005). Although the

beneficial health outcomes of hockey were often promulgated by participants, factors

such as social engagement, belongingness, and self-worth related to hockey participation

were implied as contributors to aging successfully as well for these older men. Moreover,

a psychosocial factor in particular to explain successful aging identified by Reichstadt et

al. (2007) was the ability to understand changes and correspondingly adapt in later life.

Adaptability was a common theme participants used to explain how (and why) they

continued to play hockey into old age, framing it as a fundamental aspect for longevity.

Participants expressed a positive attitude towards natural bodily decline and limitations

associated with aging and hockey as they possessed the ability to adapt in response to

changes and embraced future challenges. Despite the psychosocial model disregarding

PA as a necessity to successful aging while emphasizing finding pleasure in life and

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engaging in meaningful endeavors as essential (Bowling & Dieppe, 2005; Reichstadt et

al., 2007), participation in hockey for these older men fulfilled several psychosocial

elements. Therefore, as hockey was considered a PA outlet for the participants to

maintain physical and cognitive functioning, engage in social interaction, achieve

personal goals, and continuously adapt to age-related changes, the sport possessed several

perspectives of successful aging for this cohort. Moreover, the intersection of biomedical

and psychosocial aspects of successful aging within hockey supported the Activity

Theory of Aging, suggesting that remaining active and maintaining social relationships

was incumbent in achieving life satisfaction (Knapp, 1977). Overall, the outcomes of

hockey participation (i.e., cardiovascular workout and social camaraderie) along with

self-recognition of ability and adaptability (i.e., maintaining participation in old age)

conceptualized hockey as an all-encompassing approach to aging successfully for these

older men. While these perspectives of aging were exclusive to this cohort of men who

possessed the ability and resources to participate in hockey, it may be unfair to

recommend hockey as means to an end to all older adults. Alternatively, it could be

recommended to identify other PA or sports that fulfill multiple perspectives of

successful aging. In other words, hockey was not the epitome of PA or sport

participation, rather it was an interchangeable predilection based on factors such as health

(physical, social, mental/emotional), lifestyle choices, personal enjoyment and goal

attainment, and interactions with others.

With the prominence of adaptation, whether physically or mentally, expressed by

the participants as an underscored and necessary process in aging, notions of the

Continuity Theory were supported. The foundation of the Continuity Theory of normal

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aging focused on making adaptive choices to preserve and maintain similar lifestyles or

routines with respect to activities and relationships (Atchley, 1989). Particularly for these

older men, continued participation in hockey was a valuable and meaningful activity in

later life reinforcing their sense of ability, identity, and youthfulness. Appropriately, there

was a distinct desire from the participants to play hockey for as long as possible due to

health benefits and enjoyment, like the opinions of participants from Allain’s (2020)

study of older male hockey players. On one hand, physical adaptations for continuity in

hockey, such as playing at a lower intensity or removing slap shots from the repertoire of

skills, may be considered necessary changes to prevent injuries or to play within

limitations. For example, a participant who had shoulder surgery described hesitation of

taking a slap shot to avoid impact and possible related injuries to maintain function in his

arm. On the other hand, being realistic about current physical abilities and skills were

mental adjustments participants described as helpful in reducing frustration and accepting

natural bodily changes. Furthermore, explanations of adaptions were often mentioned in

harmony with perceptions from the participant’s youth or recent past. The participants

reminisced their knowledge and understanding of their retrospective abilities to structure

changes which were identified as key mechanisms for the Continuity Theory (Parker,

1995). As the participants demonstrated elements of the Continuity Theory, they were

actively taking ownership of their pathological aging process to maintain participation in

hockey in later life and preserve their sense of self. Notably, there were scenarios where

adaptation for continuation in hockey may not be realistic such as experiencing a life-

altering injury, which participants expressed as potential incident that would end their

hockey ‘career.’

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While it was encouraging to notice these older men demonstrate elements of the

Activity and Continuity Theories of Aging, the participants acknowledged that aging was

inevitable process of finite function and lifespan. Respectively, Cumming and Henry

(1961) explained the Disengagement Theory of Aging as the withdrawal from activities

and social roles in later life as function and abilities reduced in unison with the aging

process. Subsequently, physical and social inactivity became prominent among older

adult populations when disengagement was experienced (Asimah, 2017). However,

despite participant’s acknowledgement of inevitable disengagement in life (i.e., no longer

playing hockey), their perspectives suggested that disengagement may not be experienced

as early in older adulthood as expected or stereotypically believed. For example, as these

older men expressed youthfulness and empowerment through playing hockey in later life,

they were actively dissociating from aspects of disengagement. Additionally, as the

average age of the participants was 63 years, with oldest being 76 years, stereotypes and

preconceptions may indicate these older men were playing well beyond their age

expectations. Specifically, the oldest participant, Gerald (76 years), communicated that

he would rather die on the ice than disengage from hockey. However, many participants

accepted that one day they would no longer be playing hockey, but until participation was

prevented, they would remain active engagers and resist ageist assumptions of later life.

The participant’s mindfulness of the benefits of later life sport and acceptance of age-

related declines was encouraging as Baker et al. (2010) argued that older adults who use

sport to fight the aging process while denying inevitable age-related declines would

encounter personal problems.

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Notably, a common predicament that participants expressed was their personal

analysis of ‘pros versus cons’ associated with hockey participation to formulate when

disengagement from hockey may be acceptable. To illustrate, if hockey began to entail

exceptional risk that outweighed health related benefits or the once valued social

interaction disappeared, then these older men would entertain disengaging from the sport.

The aforementioned predicament follows the fundamentals of the Social Exchange

Theory where benefits were weighed against cost in forming relationships (Cropanzano

et al., 2017). For this study, the relationship would be interpreted as the participant’s

engagement in hockey. With the importance of physical activity, sport participation, and

social engagement for older adults encouraged, particularly in developed countries,

disengagement may be perceived as a negative and less prevalent approach to aging

compared to individuals in developing countries (Asmiah, 2017). As a result, the

participant’s gravitation towards the Activity Theory as opposed to disengagement may

have been a product of societal expectations and promotional strategies in which older

adults were supported to be active and healthy members of the population (Gard et al.,

2017). Accordingly, the participants perceived themselves as active and healthy members

of the older portion of the population compared to other older adults who represented

negative stereotypes of aging.

The general self-positioning within society and embracement of their character by

the participants insinuated the important role of identity in later life. Specifically, drawing

on the Social Identity Theory aided in the explanation of how these older men self-

categorized themselves related to their experiences through aging and playing hockey.

Essentially, the social identity theory attempted to explain individual’s self-associations

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to belonging to certain groups or categories and dissociations from other groups (Hogg &

Ridgeway, 2003; Trepte & Loy; 2017). In the case of the participants, expressions of

identity, sense of self, and belongingness were common throughout their interpretations

of the hockey experience. Particularly, these older men found pride in describing

themselves as ‘older hockey players’ and overall active agers. Notably, this sense of pride

may have been due to the preconceptions that hockey was an intense and difficult sport to

play in general, let along for older men, implying participation in hockey was a physical

accomplishment and a tool for comparison or a barometer of aging success.

Respectively, social comparison – the evaluation of the social groups the

individual and others perceived to belong to – was a behaviour connected to social

identity and self-categorization (Trepte, 2013). The participants promulgated their value

and frequency of physical activity in older age to frame themselves as self-responsible,

active members of the population who understood the rudimentary requirements of

staying healthy. Moreover, downward comparison and judgement was made towards

inactive older adults who were viewed as demonstrating negligence and incompetence for

maintenance of health in later life, similar to the opinions of participants in studies by

Gard et al. (2017) and Horton et al. (2019). However, comparisons were often drawn

when participants were questioned by others about hockey participation in old age due to

feeling offended by such comments. In essence, these older men identify themselves as

anomalous (in a superlative direction) older adults who possessed the capacity to play

hockey, a strenuously perceived sport, to maintain an active lifestyle and reduce age-

related burdens to society (e.g., healthcare costs). Notwithstanding the participant’s

positive self-perceptions, their acknowledgment of being ‘successful’ and ‘well-off’ with

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respect to financials and resources explained in part why not all older men may have

access to playing hockey as a contributor to their PAL. Future research needs to target the

impact of a position of affluence, as well as expand the reach of studies attempting to

understand the role of physical activity and aging to be more inclusive of varying social

and historical backgrounds.

Another key component in explaining social identity was the transition of identity

from an internal self-categorization to an external influence on others. The term salience

was used to describe when individuals activated their identity in certain situations or in

the presence of others to increase the influence of the psychological significance of a

group membership (Stets & Burke, 2000). For the participants, being an older hockey

player was considered part of their identity and character as it was a sporting experience

they valued and took pride in. Subsequently, some participants demonstrated the

activation of identity in social interactions. For example, the participants explaining

themselves as a hockey player was as an icebreaker for conversation in business and

leisure, which they perceived others found favourable. Furthermore, exposing themselves

as hockey players was viewed as an opportunity to expand their social circles and

develop future relationships with others, both of the same and varying ages, who also

shared the passion for hockey and the desire to continue playing into later life. Notably,

as the participants were Canadian, the interrelationship of hockey and Canada factored

into the identity equation as well (Dopp, 2009). Although it was acknowledged that being

Canadian was primarily an indirect influencer for participation and involvement in

hockey, there were instances where participants embraced their Canadian nationality

adjacent to being a hockey player. Specifically, participants mentioned situations

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involving non-Canadians where they would distinguish themselves as Canadian hockey

players to embrace a sport tied to national identity and separate them from other groups

of hockey players. Thus, these older men understood a component of their identity to be

directly tied to their hockey experience. However, the embodiment of being Canadian as

an aspect related to their aging and hockey identity had a muted presence. Additionally,

although masculinity was embedded and alluded to in the theme of identity and

throughout other noted dimensions or themes, it was an embedded undertone as the

participants discussed and negotiated involvement in hockey related to aging. These

findings are related to what Allain (2020) reported. Notably, although the relationship of

masculinity and hockey has been expounded, Allain (2021) found that older men

participating in hockey resisted traditional forms of masculinity such misogyny and

homophobia occurring in locker room conversation. The older men from Allain’s (2021)

study demonstrated a hybrid model of masculinity, placing greater emphasis on

enjoyment, fair play, and healthy behaviours rather than competitiveness and sacrifice

(Allain, 2021). Therefore, older men who participated in hockey appeared to value games

in older age with respect to how involvement accentuated the plethora of benefits hockey

provided to them later life as well as the release from traditional hegemonic masculinity

in sports (Allain, 2020). Ultimately, the participant’s social identity as older hockey

players emphasized the encompassing empowerment within old age, resisting aging

stereotypes, building relationships, and making sense of themselves.

Lastly, the opportunity to examine the relationship of physical literacy and hockey

participation within older age has provided valuable insight in understanding older

adults’ knowledge, preferences, and tendencies of physical activity for future

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implications. Physical literacy has been considered a holistic approach with fundamental

factors summarized as motivation, confidence, competence, and knowledge towards

living a physically active lifestyle (IPLA, 2017; Longmuir & Tremblay, 2016). The

motivation and meaning for hockey participation within older age was a central

component of the study to understand the value and importance of the experience to this

population of older men. Generally, health-related benefits, social engagement, and

pleasure were the dominating motivation factors listed by participants. The multitude and

depth of motivating factors were important because they captured multiple aspects that

PA and sport can offer older adults (Almond, 2010). Longmuir and Tremblay (2016)

argued that clearly identifying the benefits of PL as necessary in PA promotion.

Furthermore, Grant (2010) stated the need to transition prescriptive-orientated approaches

to health to more holistic approaches may be beneficial to increase older adults’ activity

levels. With respect to playing hockey in older age, a prescriptive approach may only

fixate on health-related benefits of the sport (e.g., cardiovascular exercise). However,

when describing the social engagement and enjoyment that accompanies health outcomes

through hockey participation, a more well-rounded and inviting promotion of the sporting

experience is produced (Grant, 2010). Confidence to participate in hockey for the

participants in the current study was often interpreted with health-related risks. Within

the literature, researchers have commonly examined confidence in sport as self-efficacy

enhancing performance (e.g., Moritz et al., 2000). However, being confident in hockey

for these older men did not necessarily relate self-efficacy to performance, rather

participants desired the confidence to compete and participate without the burden of risk

(e.g., heart attack). For example, if a participant took care of their health outside of

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hockey and recognized they could participate without worry, then confidence was

displayed. Furthermore, having the opportunity and accessibility to play hockey also

implied confidence for the participants as it was a PAL they mindfully knew they could

consistently partake in without barriers or uncertainties. With respect to competence,

participants desired to play with others of similar ability and competitiveness to

experience a balance of effective inclusion in gameplay and challenge.

Essentially, when sharing their perceptions of aging and their hockey experiences,

the participants discussed several components of physical literacy. These older men

shared their perspectives of the overall importance of maintaining a physically active

lifestyle into older age (e.g., knowledge and understanding), but also expounded the

multiple behaviours and outcomes that accompany the whole hockey experience.

Appropriately, the participants exemplified the positive feedback loop approach of PL

through understanding hockey participation (Jefferies et al., 2019). To illustrate, having

confidence and understanding the benefits in playing hockey in later life enhanced their

motivation, leading to further intentional and maintained participation in the sport for as

long as they choose. Notably, the cycle or feedback loop for aspects of PL was indicated

in the outer sphere of Figure 1.0. Furthermore, certain aspects of PL were not directly tied

a specific dimension within the inner circle, rather the bidirectional cycle of PL

encompassed the dimensions as a whole. Although further research is needed to validate

the Active Aging Wheel of Engagement. Overall, the maintenance of PA, and more

specifically a variety of PA and sport, across the lifecourse is accentuated with PL

because it assisted in maintaining and learning essential functional movements related to

quality of life among older adult populations (Jones & Stathokostas, 2016). Although

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hockey has been considered a singularity within the context of a variety of PA, the sport

was an opportunity to amalgamate an individual’s abilities, which many participants

expressed they appreciate. Thus, as many participants suggested hockey was one the

easier and safer sports to play into older age, these older men are able to preserve a sport

that allowed them to experience a variety of movements while assessing their endurance

and balance. Like the older men in Allain’s (2020) study, the participants in the current

study positioned hockey as a fun and beneficial sport, rather than a preconceived risky

one. However, as eventual disengagement was previously acknowledged, playing hockey

was ordinarily finite in old age (aside from rare occasions) and cannot contribute to

individual’s holistic health forever.

Encouragingly, examining one participant’s experience with disengagement with

hockey may have provided a valuable and adaptable approach for older adults. Although

Gordon (71 years) enjoyed and valued his many years in hockey throughout his life, he

expressed that primarily due to recently losing the social connectedness in hockey as well

as Covid-19 restricting participation, he ‘retired’ from hockey. However, Gordon (71

years) found that playing baseball with other older men provided him with many of the

same all-encompassing benefits that he experienced during hockey. Rather than give up

his physically activity lifestyle due to disruption or barriers, he chose another meaningful

activity (i.e., interchangeable predilection) that provided similar benefits, which has been

found as a common initiative for older adults within the literature (Kleiber et al., 2008;

Liechty & Genoe, 2013). With respect to the Wellness Wheel approach, Gordon (71

years) removed the ‘hockey tire’ (see Figure 1.0) from his repertoire and replaced it with

a ‘baseball tire’ to remain on his path of successful aging.

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There were some limitations to the study to note that may further explain the

emergence of certain themes and provide guidance to future research. In particular, all ten

participants in the study were Caucasian and associated with middle-class from their

conversations about education, work history, and finances. Moreover, although diversity

in hockey has broadened in recent years (e.g., the creation of the Hockey Diversity

Alliance), some participants communicated that hockey was perceived as a sport

predominately played by Caucasian and middle-to-upper class men based their

experiences in childhood and adulthood; thus, leaving a less diverse group of older

Canadians maintaining participation into older age. Thus, exploring the perspectives and

experiences of a more diverse population of older hockey players as the population and

perceptions of hockey evolve, different opinions related to the hockey experience in older

age, such as those explaining accessibility and opportunity, may be provided. However,

other studies that examined perspectives of older men in the context of aging and PA, and

specifically hockey, had similar limitations with diversity (e.g., Allain, 2020). Further

regarding the characteristics of the participants, they were overall a well-educated group,

and this may have had an influence on their well-informed and conscious responses to

questions. For example, most participants were knowledgeable in explaining the benefits

of PA along with health-related initiatives organizations and the government have

implemented particularly for older adults. Additionally, with the participants indicating

they played various types of hockey (informal and formal), they spoke of their motivation

and meaning of hockey participation towards specific formalities at times, rather than

their hockey experience as a whole. Lastly, as this study was done during the Covid-19

pandemic, there were factors such as using virtual interviews and the overall implication

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of Covid-19 restrictions that were worth considering. Notably, some participants

expressed the preference to have had in-person interviews. Experiencing face-to-face

interviews was viewed as a more natural conversive environment for an interview, which

may have allowed for further probing on responses or elicited different explanations.

Although the influence of Covid-19 was discussed in the study and evidence emerged

related to aspects of disengagement, some participants were unsure of how to respond to

certain questions or found themselves lamenting, rather than explaining what their current

hockey experiences would normally entail.

The findings within this study present specific concepts to guide the direction of

potential future research. As the participants in this study indicated they played in various

types of hockey in older age (e.g., pick-up, leagues, and tournaments), examining the

comparison of formal and informal hockey may yield different opinions related to

meaning and motivation depending on the type of formality. Essentially, the most

effective approach would be to use formality as a group characteristic (formal group vs.

informal group) for comparison. Secondly, the dynamics of the dressing room

environment could be further investigated. Specifically, looking at why it is considered a

safe space and the informal rules within a hockey group and how discipline is policed in

dressing room conversation as this relates back to the overarching idea of a hockey

community. For example, if a player is perceived as a negative contributor to the dressing

dynamic and detracts the experience, understanding the corresponding actions taken by

the group to address the particular player may provide more insight on the informal rules

within a group.

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Overall, this study provided a deeper understanding of motivation, meaning, and

intentionality of hockey participation for older Canadian men. The interpretive

phenomenological approach employed was valuable in comprehending the expansive

perspectives and experiences of hockey participation in older age as expressed by the

participants. Essentially, the influence hockey participation had on the aging experience

for these older men was positive and encompassed a well-rounded holistic approach to

PA in later life. For example, the depth of hockey as a PAL in later life was prominent

throughout the qualitative interviews. Hockey could be framed less as a mere physical

outlet for older men, and more as a PAL that fulfills and contributes to a multitude of

self-perceived motivators and meanings in older age. Additionally, the phenomenological

underpinnings aided in understanding the social, political, and historical factors that

influenced this population of older men to play hockey as their current sport of choice. It

could be surmised that these older men were optimally situated (culturally, socially, and

financially) in their lives, in which they were encouraged, supported, and able to play

hockey. In particular, these older men grew up with the notion that staying active, and

exercise was essential in maintaining a healthy lifestyle. However, through their hockey

experiences, PAL that encompassed and encouraged elements such as social engagement

and personal meaning along with PA was where the true value and benefits were found.

Subsequently, future promotion and design could position PA and sport as an all-

encompassing leisure pursuit in later life, rather than specifically focussing on

prescriptive exercise. Like the holistic intentions of physical literacy, these older men

indicated the importance of maintaining PAL, specifically hockey, into later life for a

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multitude of reasons, as Lester (60 years) pointed out: “I think as long as you can keep

playing, you should, because I think it [hockey] contributes to healthier aging.”

Although the uniqueness of hockey may generalize the ability to play hockey, the

Active Aging Wheel of Engagement represented the important aspects of PA to these

older men, but also allowed for hockey to be described as an interchangeable

predilection. The context of hockey held importance among the participants, especially as

a vehicle for attaining physical and social benefits, connecting with their own

youthfulness, and the development of their identity and pride. However, with respect to

aging it was also realized that the ability to play hockey was often stigmatized as a sport

older adults should avoid. By continually engaging with their hockey participation, the

participants realized that they were able to negotiate their perceptions of aging and

ability, and that when (and if) they choose to disengage would be their own, rather than

dictated by others or society. Through their negotiations, the participants also realized

that there remained an importance to the aspects of physical benefits and competition, but

that the priority of inclusion, social interaction, and camaraderie became more of a

priority as they aged. This was emphasized when discussing the impact of the COVID-19

pandemic having a muted impact on the physical and competitive aspects, but

illuminating the loss of social interactions. This also provided further insight to hockey as

an interchangeable predilection as some participants sought out other “tires” or modes of

PA to fulfill the desirable dimensions of active aging. Hockey being interchangeable also

seemingly provided the participants with choice – that they could “retire” from hockey

without having to disengage, and that they could change their PA (e.g., to golf or cycling)

in order to achieve the varying benefits of the active aging domains. Therefore,

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examining other specific sports or activities that may fulfill and contribute holistically to

several aspects of older adults’ lives may provide a deeper understanding of older adults’

sport participation and future directions of promotion and design.

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5.0 Literature Review

5.1 Older Adults and Physical Activity

5.1.1 Aging Populations

The world currently is seeing an extraordinary shift towards an aging population

as almost every country is experiencing growth among the older segment of their

populace (United Nations, 2019). In the year 2019, one for every 11 people in the world

were aged 65 years and older, representing 9 per cent of the global population (United

Nations, 2019). People aged 65 years and older is one of the fastest growing age groups

in the world, and is projected to reach 12 percent, 16 percent, and nearly 23 percent of the

total global population by the years 2030, 2050, and 2100, respectively (United Nations,

2019). For the first time in human history, in the year 2018 the age group of individuals

65 years and older outnumbered children five years of age and younger worldwide

(United Nations, 2019). Furthermore, the cohort of the population projected to be 65

years and older by the year 2050 will double that of children younger than five and

outnumber adolescents aged 15-to-24 years (United Nations, 2019). Moreover, the

number of people aged 80 years and older is growing at an even faster rate as this age-

group is expected to triple their population of 143 million to 426 million by the year 2050

(United Nations, 2015; United Nations, 2019). In the North American region, it is

projected that one out of four people (25 percent) could be aged 65 years and older by

2050 (United Nations, 2019). All countries and areas are projected to experience a

demographic shift as the proportion of the older population is expected to increase

significantly from the years 2019 to 2050 (United Nations, 2019).

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Similar to global trends, Canada is also experiencing an increase in the segment of

the population aged 65 years and older. This trend is forecast to continue throughout the

coming decades. For example, projections estimate that Canadians aged 65 years and

older will increase from 17.2 percent of the national population in the year 2018, to as

high as 23.4 percent in the year 2030 and 29.5 percent in the year 2068 (Statistics

Canada, 2019a). It is indicated in a more recent report that as of July 1

, 2019, the

number of Canadians aged 65 years and older was 6,592,611, representing approximately

18% of the population (Statistics Canada, 2019a). Furthermore, Canadians aged 80 years

and older are also projected to increase from 4.3 percent of the national population in the

year 2018, to 7.9 and 12.3 percent in the years 2045 and 2068, respectively (Statistics

Canada, 2019a). Following the trend of population aging, the number of centenarians

(person aged 100 years and older) has surpassed 10,000 in Canada (Fitzpatrick, 2019). It

is projected that the number of centenarians will potentially peak in the year 2065 with

estimates between 65,000 and 114,000 individuals, which would represent the fastest

growing age-group across the next 50 years (Statistics Canada, 2019a).

Although all areas and regions within Canada are demonstrating an increase in the

proportion of the population 65 years and older, the increase is experienced at different

rates regionally. On average, the age of the population in eastern provinces is older than

in the western provinces and northern regions of Canada (Ciolfe, 2017). Specifically, the

proportion of the population aged 65 years and older in Ontario (an eastern province) is

projected to almost double from 2.5 million in the year 2019 (17.2 percent of provincial

population) to 4.5 million in the year 2046 (23.3 percent) (Ontario Ministry of Finance,

2020). Furthermore, the older age groups will experience a faster rate of growth as people

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aged 75 years and older is projected to increase from 1.1 million in the year 2019 to 2.7

million by the year 2046 (Ontario Ministry of Finance, 2020). Notably, the year 2016

marked the first time that people aged 65 years and older outnumbered children aged 0-

14 years not only in Ontario, but also all of Canada (Ciolfe, 2017; Ontario Ministry of

Finance, 2020). Additionally, the older adult population is projected to reach 30 percent

of the overall populace in several Ontario municipalities sooner than the year 2046. For

example, 19.5 percent of the population of Peterborough was 65 years of age and older in

the year 2011, making it Canada’s oldest municipality (Mehta, 2012). Moreover, as of the

year 2016 in Windsor and Essex County, citizens aged 65 years and older were reported

to represent 17.7 percent of the local population (Windsor-Essex County Health Unit,

2019). Furthermore, for the Windsor and Essex County area, it is projected that the

proportion of older adults within the population will increase to approximately 24 percent

by the year 2029. (Windsor-Essex County Health Unit, 2019). Therefore, the

demographic shift experienced by all levels of government must be anticipated and

planned for accordingly.

The phenomenon of population aging, an increase in the older portion of the

population, is a complex demographic shift and can be attributed to several factors.

Population aging can be considered a human accomplishment derived from the

progression of social and economic developments (United Nations, 2015). The

synergistic influence of key contributors is responsible for this recent population aging,

including such factors as lower fertility rates, increase in longevity, impact of major

historical events, and international migration (United Nations, 2015). One of the most

influential events from the 20

century that currently contributes to population aging is

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the second World War (WWII; 1939-1945). The significance of WWII is related to the

phenomenon called the Baby Boom Generation, which was an occurrence of a substantial

increase in the number of births after the conclusion of the war, between the mid-to-late

1930s and late 1960s or early 1970s (Van Bavel & Reher, 2013). The baby boom in

Canada is defined as the period between the years 1946-to-1965 and marks a 15 percent

increase of births, the highest since the year 1921 (Statistics Canada, 2018). At that

period of time, there was an approximate average 412,000 births per year; the increase in

numbers is highlighted when compared to the 318,000 births that occurred in the year

2008 when the overall population was twice as large as it was during the baby boom

(Statistics Canada, 2018). Notably, baby boomers now make up more than half of the

Canadian population aged 65 years and older (51 percent) for the first time as of July 1

2019 (Statistics Canada, 2019a). The magnitude of impacts from the baby boom are

demonstrating challenges for living in later life and healthcare, with people born after the

year 1945 beginning to reach the age of 65 years in 2010 (Van Bavel & Reher, 2013).

The continuous aging of the baby boomer generation will significantly change the

landscape and proportion of populations for years to come.

Accompanied by the trend of global population aging is the increase in average

life expectancy at birth. Since the year 1990, the average life expectancy at birth in the

world has increased by 8 years, rising to 72.6 years in 2019 and projected to reach 77.1

years in 2050 (United Nations, 2019). Additionally, life expectancy at birth differs

according to region and biological sex at birth. Despite increased projections, life

expectancy at birth in the least developed countries as a group is estimated to be 7.4 years

less than the global average (United Nations, 2019). Furthermore, in every region of the

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world, life expectancy at birth is greater for women when compared to men by

approximately three-to-six years (depending on the region) (World Health Organization -

WHO, 2020). However, the increase in longevity of life does not necessarily translate to

maintaining a high quality of life into later years. Kingston et al. (2018) illustrate the

prevalence of multi-morbidity in later life as the majority of gains in life expectancy will

be spent living with four or more chronic conditions (e.g., cancer, hypertension,

depression). Specifically, functional health, the ability to perform key health functions, is

observed to decline with age (Statistics Canada, 2015a). Essentially, the increased

longevity of life calls to question whether quality of life is sacrificed for greater quantity

of life. Therefore, a measure that provides a better understanding of quality of life in later

years is health-adjusted life expectancy at birth (expected years living in good health).

The difference in life expectancy at birth and health-adjusted life expectancy at birth is

approximately 10.5 years for Canadians, thus, emphasizing the challenge of prolonging

healthy life years (Statistics Canada, 2015a).

The wide range of ramifications as a result of population aging will require

strategies for adapting and understanding the anticipated changes related to economics,

politics, sociality, and healthcare (Guarino, 2018; United Nations, 2019). For example,

the total dependency ratio, which depicts the proportion of the population that depends on

the working-age population for financial support, is defined by the sum of the number of

people younger than the age of 20 years and the number of adults aged 65 years and older

(ages may vary depending on country; United Nations, 2015). Furthermore, the total

dependency ratio is estimated to increase globally due to a growing share of people aged

65 years and older; as projections indicated by the year 2050 this population will account

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for 36 percent of the global dependent age-population compared to 20 percent in the year

2015 (United Nations, 2015). Canada is expected to experience a similar trend of an

increased number of older adults entering the dependent age-population. Subsequently,

there will be a requirement for significant adjustments to negotiate with greater demands

for healthcare resources, social support systems, and income supplementation for the

older portion of the population (Parkinson et al., 2015). In response to potential

implications attributed to the demographic shift, implementing strategies encouraging

behavioural changes related to lifestyle choices (i.e., smoking and alcohol consumption)

and physical activity levels are identified as promoters toward living healthier into later

life (Peel et al., 2005). The Baby Boomers are an optimistic cohort to observe as they are

considered more educated, affluent, and active than previous generations (MacNeil,

2001). Therefore, the implications of an aging population may potentially require a

response from government and policy makers to develop effective strategies to minimize

lifestyle burdens and promote an enhanced quality of life for the older population.

However, the responsibility of living healthier into later life also applies to the older

population as their behaviours and attitudes towards self-health may provide positive

outcomes. The role of engaging in physical activity is a specific factor relevant to the

aging population.

5.1.2 Aging and Physical Activity

It has been demonstrated that engaging in physical activity can provide a

multitude of health-related benefits for the older population, including prevention of

chronic disease (Chodozko-Zajko et al., 2009; Warburton et al., 2006), maintenance of

physical and cognitive functioning (Chodozko-Zajko et al., 2009; Gajewski &

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Falkenstein, 2016), as well as psychosocial well-being (Chodozko et al., 2009; Gayman

et al., 2017b) and higher rated quality of life (Acree et al., 2006; Figueria et al., 2012).

Additionally, improving levels of physical activity among the older adult population has

the potential to reduce the spending on healthcare resources for publicly funded countries

like Canada (Azagba & Sharaf, 2014). The Canadian Physical Activity guidelines

according to Participaction (2021) for adults and older adults uses messaging of a 24-

hour movement guideline, recommends 150 minutes of moderate-to-vigorous physical

activity (in 10-minute periods/bouts) per week. As indicated through nationwide data,

only 1 in 5 adults are meeting these recommendations (Statistics Canada, 2015b).

Furthermore, as age increases, the percentage of adults reaching these recommendations

decreases. For example, statistics for meeting these guidelines have been recorded as 18

percent for ages 40-to-59 years and 12 percent for ages 60-to-79 years (Statistics Canada,

2015b). There are several negative consequences associated with physical inactivity that

may contribute to this lack of engagement.

Initially, the proper way to define and distinguish physical inactivity and

sedentary behaviour has been debated in literature due to the evolving nature of the terms

and research in physical activity. Nonetheless, physical inactivity is described as not

meeting the expectations of specified physical activity guidelines, whereas sedentary

behaviour is any waking behaviour (e.g., sitting or lying) with an energy expenditure of

l.5 metabolic equivalents (METs) or less (WHO, 2020). With physical inactivity directly

related to a fixed guideline, increasing the number of individuals meeting physical

activity guidelines appears to be a simple and clear solution. For example, the World

Health Organization’s (WHO’s) Global Action Plan on Physical Activity has set a target

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to reduce physical inactivity by 15 percent by the year 2030 (WHO, 2018). However,

achieving such target goals may be more challenging than some individuals assume.

For older adults in particular, the consequences of physical inactivity are

identified as an increased risk of disease, mortality, disability, cognitive and functional

decline, and lower quality of life; directly contrasting the benefits of meeting physical

activity guidelines (Cunningham et al., 2020). Although sedentary behaviour is

considered different from physical inactivity, increased rates of sedentary behaviours

have rendered negative health outcomes as well. For example, greater amounts of

sedentary behaviour are associated with an increased prevalence of obesity (Shields &

Tremblay, 2008) and reduced cognitive functioning across the lifespan (Falck et al.,

2017). Thus, it is recommended for older adults to limit the amount of sedentary time and

make efforts to engage in physical activity according to specified guidelines. However, it

is worth noting preliminary evidence suggests that due to home isolation and

implemented restrictions associated with the Covid-19 pandemic, physical inactivity and

sedentary behaviour is likely to increase for individuals, such as older adults (Peçanha et

al., 2020).

Aside from physical inactivity being a determinant for health, the burden on the

healthcare system is another prevalent consequence. Globally, the cost of physical

inactivity is estimated to be $54 billion annually for direct healthcare (WHO, 2018).

Becoming a significant dilemma, and a critical public health concern, within Canada, the

prevalence of physical inactivity is responsible for a large portion of healthcare spending

(Janssen, 2012). Notably, it has been estimated that Canada would save approximately

150 million dollars on healthcare expenditures if the prevalence of physical inactivity was

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reduced by 10 percent (Katzmarzyk et al., 2000). Notwithstanding the health and

economic benefits that physical activity has the potential to provide, the older population

remain the most inactive cohort (Azagba & Sharaf, 2014; Colley et al., 2011).

Furthermore, 98 percent of people aged 50 years and older understand engaging in

physical activity is important to staying healthy (Ory et al., 2003). Thus, the prevalence

of physical inactivity demonstrates a discrepancy between knowledge and action. This

discrepancy represents the requirement to further understand the role of physical activity

for older individuals and apply this knowledge to help improve physical activity

involvement in order to reap the related benefits. While there is complexity involved, the

promotion of sport participation for older adults has been argued as one of many possible

appropriate and cost-efficient options to improve physical activity involvement for older

adults (Dionigi, 2017).

5.1.3 Aging and Sport

Although the majority of older adults are inactive, the trend of participating in

sport in later life has emerged in recent decades (Grant, 2001). In Canada, the General

Social Survey on Canadians at Work and Home indicates that one in four Canadians aged

15 years and older regularly participate in sport, of which 86 percent was for recreational

purposes and 14 percent played competitively (Statistics Canada, 2019b). When

examining data based on biological sex at birth, men are twice as likely as women to

participate in sport (Statistics Canada, 2019b). Thus, both age and biological sex at birth

(note: to align with the vernacular of some studies, the term gender is also used but not to

refer to the sociological choice) may impact if an individual participates in sport.

Notably, activity levels typically decrease after youth and approximately half of

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Canadians remain active or moderately active throughout middle age, with men seeing a

slight increase in activity levels after 65 years of age (Statistics Canada, 2015b). This

change in activity levels throughout the lifecourse may be a result of why someone

engages. For example, from the General Social Survey on Canadians at Work and Home,

varying reasons as to why individuals participate in sport were indicated as: 71 percent of

Canadians play for fun, recreation, and relaxation; 69 percent for the benefits of engaging

in physical activity; 51 percent for personal development; 45 percent as a family activity;

and 35 percent to meet new friends (Statistics Canada, 2019b). However, one of the

reasons as to why participating in sport has been an emerging trend among older adults

may relate to the developing programs related to competition. For example, Masters sport

competition in particular has increased in popularity (Gard et al., 2017) as it allows older

athletes to compete against others (or themselves) within the same age range in either

individual or team sports. Competitions for Masters sport range from local to

international settings such as the World Masters Games (WMG), the largest international

multi-sport event, held every four years (International Masters Games Association,

2017). The most recent WMG hosted by Auckland, New Zealand in the year 2017

attracted 24,905 athletes from 106 countries, with an average age for competing athletes

of 54 years and the oldest being 101 years (International Masters Games Association,

2017). Therefore, there is a growing necessity to understand the movement of increased

physical activity and sport engagement in later life due to the vast implications related to

sport and physical activity involvement for older adults (Shepard, 2010).

The increased participation in competitive sport among older adults is undermined

by perceptions of appropriateness of physical activity and sport at a later stage in life and

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by the emergence of healthy and active aging policies (Gard et al., 2017). In retrospect,

Western society’s perceptions and social constructs of aging did not emphasize

participation in physical activity due to limited opportunities for participation, importance

of leisure in retirement, and acceptance of bodily decline during late life (Blaikie, 1999).

However, the perception of aging has evolved in recent decades as it is more

appropriately considered to be a time of leisure, activity, growth, and ambition

(Featherstone & Hepworth, 1995). Furthermore, it is evident that older adults currently

demonstrate a better understanding of the health-related benefits (e.g., prevention and

management of chronic conditions) of physical activity in line with the consequential

burden on the healthcare system, thus, influencing age-related policies and physical

activity promotion for older adults (Gard et al., 2017). With the increased prevalence of

aging policies and strategies in response to this paradigm shift of active aging, there is

variance in their conceptualization and direction with regards to the general purpose of

optimizing health, participation, and security to improve quality of life in older age

(Lassen & Moreria, 2014; WHO, 2002). For example, the WHO’s active aging policy

framework (WHO, 2002) focusses on achieving a healthy lifestyle by maintaining health

and active participation through physical activity promotion across the lifespan, as further

demonstrated in their Global Action Plan on Physical Activity (WHO, 2018). In contrast,

the European Union (EU) policy on active aging (European Commission, 2012), while

still deemed healthy, approaches active aging from a demographic and economic

standpoint as it seeks to reform retirement by increasing productivity in later life to

enhance an ‘age integrated society’ (Lassen & Moreira, 2014). With respect to current

active aging policies, specifically those in Canada, United States, and Australia, physical

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activity is considered a tool that individuals can utilize to prevent and manage lifestyle

diseases, such as diabetes, obesity, and cardiovascular disease (Gard & Dionigi, 2016).

For example, Active Aging Canada (2021) provides education, information, and tools to

promote lifelong healthy active aging for adult Canadians, while recognizing the linkages

of different realms of health (i.e., physical, mental, emotional, and social). Furthermore,

the Healthy Aging in Action strategy in the United States is more general as aims to

improve health and well-being in later life, utilizing multiple facets to ‘prevent’ negative

health outcomes (National Prevention Council, 2016). In particular, creating a more

walkable community and encouraging walking is promoted as an approach to improve

physical and mental health and help Americans of all ages reach physical activity

guidelines. The aforementioned ‘paradigm shift’ for perspectives regarding physical

activity among older adults from ‘demonized’ to ‘appropriate’, along with applications of

active aging polices have led to increased physical activity and sport opportunities for

older individuals, and potentially normalizing their participation (Gard et al., 2017). The

societal shift of perceptions for older adults’ involvement with physical activity and sport

has coincided with the trend of population aging, therefore emphasizing the importance

to understand the implications of this interaction with regards to aging and physical

activity.

Physical activity and sport involvement have demonstrated a multitude of benefits

for older adults; however, involvement has potential for physical and social risk. The

investment in discourses of competitive sport, such as those exemplified by Masters

athletes, are taken seriously as they seek to promote a healthier lifestyle and ongoing

performance enhancement, but may potentially harm their physical and psychosocial

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well-being (Dionigi et al., 2013a). For older adults in general, physical activity can be

treated as a ‘two-edged sword’ as vigorous exertion increases the risk of acute coronary

events for individuals who are inactive, whereas regular physical activity involvement

may reduce risk of developing cardiovascular disease (Corrado et al., 2011). Certain

events, such as cardiac arrest, have the potential to occur for older adults participating in

physical activity and sport. However, the risk is often considered to be low, thus, physical

activity is not only encouraged, but is typically deemed safe for healthy and frail older

adults (McPhee et al., 2016). Aside from physical well-being, there are also psychosocial

implications and patterns that are apparent regarding older athletes. For example, the

pressure to maintain involvement or disapproval to participate from a family member in

sport may constrain older adults and negatively influence their experience (Gayman et al.,

2017a). Particularly among Masters athletes, many demonstrate a tendency to pass

judgement on inactive older adults as they associate inactivity with negative perceptions

such as laziness, incompetence, and a burden on society (Gard et al., 2017; Horton et al.,

2019). Furthermore, Masters athletes are typically represented by middle-to-upper

classes, as well as individuals who possess sufficient resources to afford travel, facilities,

equipment, and healthcare, thus potentially posing limitations to other portions of the

population (Dionigi et al., 2013a). Therefore, physical activity and sport involvement

cannot be entirely viewed from a positive perspective and further understanding of the

experiences of older adults’ involvement related to physical and psychosocial

characteristics may help offset constraints and negative outcomes. Although the products

of physical activity and sport involvement are clearly represented in literature, another

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aspect regarding older adults’ involvement in sport is the motivation and meaning for

participation or their engagement.

5.1.4 Opinions, Perspectives, and Experiences of Older Adults on Physical

Activity Pursuits

In a 2001 special issue of the Journal of Aging and Physical Activity, there was a

call to amass qualitative research on aging and physical activity in a response to a

perceived imbalance within this body of knowledge (Grant & O’Brien Cousins, 2001). In

particular, the tendency for journal articles to be located within a quantitative paradigm

was illustrated (Grant & O’Brien Cousins, 2001). While still providing valuable

quantifiable aspects of aging and physical activity (e.g., physical performance, functional

capabilities, and psychosocial characteristics), notable shortcomings were emphasized by

Grant and O’Brien Cousins (2001) as the absence of the ineffable and less tangible

variations of this phenomenon (i.e., aging and physical activity engagement) and

omissions of the perspectives from the central characters (i.e., older adults). Upon further

reflection, delving into and coalescing the stories as shared by older adults, the

emergence of a less dominate approach found within the literature arose, affording a

divergent exploration to curating an understanding of aging and physical activity.

Similar to Grant and O’Brien Cousins (2001), Dionigi (2006a) also addressed the

need for qualitative sociological research in the area aging and physical activity,

particularly related to competing in sport. In contrast to the reported benefits of older

adults’ engagement with physical activity and sport participation, there is a dearth of

information pertaining to the aspects of motivation and meaning of participation among

older adults. The paucity of research examining these aspects may be a result of

quantitative research approaches typically dominating the examination of older adult

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involvement with physical activity and qualitative research approaches that can expand

the deeper understanding of the individual characters (i.e., older adults) being used to a

lesser extent (Dionigi, 2006a). Notably, the adoption of qualitative research to explore

aging concepts has been utilized more extensively in the 21

century. These contributions

provide a variety of perspectives that enrich the data available to understand and discern

aging concepts as well as strengthen the value of qualitative methods more fully. For

example, through qualitative research, unique perspectives from athletes have been

explored to further understand their involvement in Masters Sport (e.g., Dionigi, 2002a;

Dionigi, 2002b; Dionigi et al., 2011a; Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007; Dionigi et al., 2013a;

Dionigi et al., 2013b; Horton et al., 2019) and social policy implications for health

promotion to older adults (e.g., Gard et al., 2017; Pike, 2011). Specifically, Dionigi

(2002a) used participant observation and semi-structured interviews with competitors

(aged 55-to-94 years) of the 8

Australian Masters Games to expand academic

knowledge and understand the role competitive sport plays in identity management for

this group of older adults. Through the voices of these older adults, two key themes

emerged related to identify management in later life: adapting to older age and expressing

youthfulness (Dionigi, 2002a). Additionally, Dionigi et al. (2013a) used semi-structured

interviews with competitors (aged 56-to-90 years) at the 2009 Masters Games to

understand how these athletes make sense of their capacity to maintain sports

performance qualitatively since performance maintenance is predominately examined

quantitatively. The major themes uncovered were: ‘use it or lose it’;

adaptation/compensation; family history and/or innate determination; and pushing

themselves to improve performance (Dioingi et al., 2013a). Nonetheless, there remains an

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underrepresentation of qualitative research on aging and physical activity within the

literature. Furthermore, despite that the majority of older adults are non-elite athletes, the

existing literature tends to focus on older adults who are considered elite athletes, (e.g.,

WMG). In essence, this disregards the majority of older adults who may engage with

physical activity and sport at a non-elite level. Thus, further exploration of more diverse

older adult populations and a variety of leisure pursuits is recommended (Dionigi, 2017).

5.1.5 The Motivation and Meaning for Sport Participation and Physical

Activity Engagement in Later Life

Rowe and Kahn (1997) suggest that engagement in meaningful and productive

activities, related to friendship, social interaction, and organized participation,

particularly in later life, is an essential component in reducing the risk of mortality and

promoting health. Specifically, regarding older adults, later life presents an opportunity to

pursue interests and lifelong aspirations that may not have been possible previously

(Hugman, 1999). In general, the concept of engagement encompasses the involvement in

active, productive, social, and passive types of leisure activities in life (Carr &Weir,

2019; Lennartsson & Silverstein, 2001). Moreover, the different types of activities

demonstrate the variety of pursuits older adults may engage in and the requirement to

understand their choices. Research by Carr and Weir (2019) on the patterns of

engagement in later life identifies a decrease in productive and active leisure pursuits

over time, while engagement in social and passive leisure pursuits is maintained.

Furthermore, changes in engagement profiles for older adults may be based on the

meaningfulness of the activity and being in the realm of their abilities and desires (Carr &

Weir, 2019). However, older adults may utilize internal and external resources, along

with an emphasis on their ‘freedom’ to adapt to changes in their motivation or meaning

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towards certain activities. (Carr & Weir, 2019). While it is encouraging to know older

adults have the capacity to adapt to changes regarding their desires and abilities, the

benefits and importance of certain leisure pursuits are not to be overlooked. For example,

older adults frequently engaging in productive physical activity (active leisure) report

greater health-related quality of life, especially with social and emotional functioning, in

comparison to individuals who decreasingly engage over time (Yen & Lin, 2018). In

another study, Bennet (2002) provides evidence that social engagement may have a role

in intermediate declines in health, and furthermore that low levels of social engagement

act as a precursor to mortality for older adults. Therefore, understanding older adult’s

motivation for engagement in activities and leisure pursuits, such as sport, is necessary

due to the emphasis on meaningfulness of activities and health implications.

As the popularity of Masters Sport broadens, so has the emergence of qualitative

research to further comprehend the meaning of competitive sport in later life. For

example, Dionigi et al. (2011a) used open-ended interviews to explore what Masters

athletes took away from participating in competitive sport beyond non-competitive

physical activity outcomes. The emergent main themes from these interviews included

opportunities to: test the ability of an individual; begin a sport in later life; travel; and

establish social relationships (Dionigi et al., 2011a). In essence, the qualitative

perspectives provided by older athletes reveal the importance of competitive sport in late

life as a platform to negotiate and combat the aging process and promote empowerment

(Dionigi et al., 2013b). Additionally, Gard et al. (2017) explored how Masters athletes

explain their participation in sport with an extensive focus on how they justify

participation using language of personal moral responsibility and economic efficiency.

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Through the use of semi-structured interviews and participant observations, degrees of

moral talk are noticeable and non-participation in sport is viewed as irrational and in need

of further explanation (Gard et al., 2017). Some Masters athletes associate older adults

that refrain from sport participation with negative characteristics such as laziness and lack

of motivation without considering the uncontrollable (e.g., disease), societal (e.g.,

opportunity), or personal (e.g., indulgence in relaxation) reasons (Gard et al., 2017).

Furthermore, Horton et al. (2019) highlight male Masters athletes’ downward social

comparison to strengthen their sense of self and separate themselves from the

stereotypical, inactive older adults of the same age. As these works provide a deeper

understanding in the context of competitive sport for older athletes, it challenges

normalized ideas of aging and physical activity.

Normalized ideas of aging are often related to the constructed stereotypes of older

adults and aging that exist within a cultural, historical, and social context (Dionigi, 2015).

Stereotypes of aging are considered a set of beliefs, that may be positive or negative,

about the personal attributes and traits of older adults (Hilton & von Hippel, 1996).

Moreover, the continued existence of stereotypes of aging promulgates the potential

social, physical, and psychological harm to older adults depending how stereotypes are

applied (Shepherd & Brochu, 2020). Horton et al. (2007) illustrate that stereotypes of

aging affect the way older adults are treated by society and also affect the way older

adults may see themselves. Unfortunately, stereotypes within the context of aging are

primarily negative in nature, particularly within North America (Horton et al., 2007; Ory

et al., 2003). For example, older adults are often stereotyped as senile, unhealthy,

miserable, frail, unattractive, lonely, dependent, greedy, and poorly functioning mentally

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and physically (Butler, 1989; Dionigi, 2015; Levy, 2003). Furthermore, exposing older

adults to negative aging stereotypes can result in a variety of consequences related to

their daily functioning and behaviour. Coudin and Alexopolous (2010) found that

exposure to negative stereotypes of aging led older adults to feel lonely, depreciate their

own health status, avoid risk taking situations, and often seek assistance in their social

environment (e.g., asking someone for help). Contrastingly, older adults exposed to

positive stereotypes are less likely to report loneliness and have a higher perceived

assessment of their own health (Coudin & Alexopolous, 2010). Although impressions are

often negative, positive stereotypes of aging include being happy, kind, wealthy, and wise

(Butler, 1989; Dionigi, 2015; Ory et al., 2003), representing a heterogenous depiction of

older adults and aging through socially constructed norms (Horton et al., 2008; Dionigi,

2015). With that being said, stereotypes in the context of aging are often learned,

observed, and solidified across the lifespan, with exposure from sources such as media

(e.g., magazines, television, advertisements) serving as a catalyst that engrains biases and

thoughts (negative or positive) into generations of humans (Bishop & Krause, 1984;

Horton et al., 2008; Robinson et al., 2008; Shepherd & Brochu, 2020). Despite the

continued production of stereotypes, it is important for individuals and public officials to

clarify that the many stereotypes of aging originate from simple myths that are patently

false, deficient of scientific credibility, and lacking in social relevance (Thornton, 2000).

Ultimately, stereotypes of aging have been found to demonstrate a variety of influence

towards older adults’ behaviours, performance, societal treatment, and perceptions of

themselves and others, which in turn potentially affects their holistic health (Dionigi,

2015). Older adults’ health behaviours, particularly regarding their decisions and motives

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to engage in physical activity and sport, have been demonstrated to incorporate the

influence of aging stereotypes (Horton et al., 2007; Horton et al., 2008).

Although older athletes may be influenced and shaped by socially constructed

norms, they are also considered agents whose actions and behaviours contribute to the

construction and reconstruction of these norms (Dionigi, 2006b). Essentially, older

adults’ involvement in physical activity and sport into later life represents an attitudinal

shift towards their participation and an opportunity to further understand motivating

factors. Particularly, older adults conceptualize their participation in competitive sports

through negotiating with older age and expressions of youthfulness (Dionigi, 2002a).

Several Masters athletes emphasize maintenance of bodily functioning related to the

notion of ‘use it or lose it’ as they attribute physical and psychosocial benefits to sport

participation (Dionigi, 2006b; Dionigi & O’Flynn 2007). Therefore, sport participation

can be characterized as a means to maintain and improve fitness and health for older

athletes as long as possible (Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007). Furthermore, “losing” physical

abilities seemed to translate to beliefs of reduced independence and control over their life,

which reveals that motivations are related to combating negative perceptions of aging

(Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007). Masters athletes acknowledge that aging is an inevitable

process, but place importance on enjoying later years and adapting to bodily changes in

order to make of the most out of the present with their current ability (Dionigi, 2006b).

For competitive sport, whether individual or team, it is understood that the general

purpose is to win, even if it is beating all other opponents or an individual’s personal

record. In accordance, Masters athletes demonstrate competitiveness and desire for

improvement as a motivator for participating in sport, which challenges the common

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notion that sport in later life is purely associated with enjoyment and social interaction

(Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007). However, aside from valuing the serious competitive nature

of sport, Masters athletes perceive items such as establishing friendships, regular social

interaction, and personal growth as benefits of their participation (Dionigi et al., 2011a;

Dionigi, 2006b). Moreover, as Masters athletes continue to value competition and express

characteristics of competitiveness, they are reconstructing the parameters that define

older athletes as well as challenging regular notions of aging (Dionigi & O’Flynn, 2007).

It can be suggested based on these findings that sport participation is valuable for both

physical and psychosocial health of older athletes and contributes to their motivation for

participation. However, the results tend to be consistent with the perceived values of the

active, white, and middle-to-upper class position, disregarding other perspectives that

may reveal contrasting negative outcomes. Thus, it should be noted that exploring a

greater diversity of the population may provide different perspectives, but also prove

difficult to recruit participants depending on the research objective. The feasibility of

involvement by a diversity of individuals may be confined as there are various expenses

(e.g., equipment, travel) and commitments (e.g., time) associated with competitive sport.

In essence, gathering the opinions and perspectives of older adults’ sport and

physical activity experiences may assist in the design of sport and physical activity

promotional strategies moving forward. By understanding what this segment of the

population gains from their involvement and also what motivates them to stay involved,

current promotional strategies may be able to evolve and improve the sport and physical

activity experience (Dionigi, 2017). For example, Canadian Sport for Life shows a

consistency with simple sport and physical activity promotions. Their ‘sport for life’

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marketing strategy depicts sport and physical activity involvement as a direct response to

challenges of population aging (Canadian Sport for Life, 2019). Although the strategy is

considered simple, the perceptions of individuals may be influenced by sport and

physical activity promotional strategies, making improving them challenging as well.

In several ways, active aging policies are changing Western societies’ perceptions

of aging ‘normally’, specifically with regards to older adults taking on a larger

responsibility to manage their own health in order to counteract the burden on healthcare

(Gard et al., 2017). For example, public officials accentuate the cost efficiency and

appropriateness of utilizing sport (organized, competitive, and Masters) participation for

disease management, and financial costs of an aging population, in response to the

increased value of sport (Dionigi, 2017). Notwithstanding the promise associated to the

strategy of promoting and utilizing sport may demonstrate in response to aging

populations, it is complex and problematic to use it as a solution especially when it

pertains to everyone. Additionally, the normalization of sport and physical activity for

older adults has the potential to marginalize those who do not participate in this new

‘doing’ of aging, thus, succumbing them to be stigmatized, victimized, and medicalized

(Gard et al., 2017). Therefore, sport and physical activity promotion strategies may be

required to adopt a cautious approach and incorporate the influence of multiple factors

such as financials, culture, physical barriers, and history on older adults’ sport and

physical activity participation in order to match development to evolution (Costello et al.,

2011; Dionigi et al., 2013a). Sport and active aging policies tend to treat physical activity

as a tool to achieve better health, but rarely consider the perspectives, beliefs, feeling,

interests, knowledge, and motivations of older adults (Dionigi, 2017). Thus, there is an

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importance to gathering qualitative information to expand understandings of older adults’

participation in sport as these stories provide purposeful and exciting content to

conceptualize this phenomenon and contribute to sport and physical activity promotions

(Dionigi, 2006a). Overall, this collection of qualitative research provides a small, yet

valuable glimpse into the unique perspectives and outcomes of older adults who

participate in competitive sport. Furthermore, aside from the aforementioned involvement

in more structured sport and physical activity, work is also needed to understand the

implications of promoting alternative forms of sport and physical activity for older adults,

such as leisure and less-structured pursuits (Dionigi, 2017). Correspondingly, physical

activity, exercise, sport and leisure (both active and passive) will be collectively referred

to as the simplified term of physically active leisure (PAL).

5.1.6 Addressing Heterogeneity: The Future of Physically Active Leisure for

Older Adults

Attempting to promote a variety of PAL to older adults requires an understanding

of the heterogenic makeup of this cohort to guide future direction. Particularly in Western

societies, there is an increased prevalence of policies for healthy and active aging, and

health promotion strategies for older adults (Gard & Dionigi, 2016). Subsequently, there

are increased opportunities to participate in sport and physical activity for older adults.

Additionally, there is an inception of an attitudinal shift towards the perception that sport

and physical activity are appropriate for older adults, especially when related to a self-

responsibility for health maintenance (Gard et al., 2017). From a positive perspective,

sport participation and physical activity engagement in later life may grant physical and

psychosocial benefits to individuals, creating an empowering experience (Dionigi, 2002b;

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Dionigi et al., 2011a; Gayman et al., 2017b). Moreover, promoting sport and physical

activity to older adults has provided opportunities in later life, evolving the landscape of

aging with an increase of older exercisers that are strong, competent, and engaged

(Dionigi, 2017). From a negative point of view, policies and promotional strategies are

not without physical and psychosocial risks, and caution is warranted given the often

neglected personal, sociocultural, and historical complexities that influence older adults’

decisions or inclusion regarding physical activity and leisure (Dionigi, 2017; Gard et al.,

2017). For example, the promotion of sport and physical activity for self-responsibility of

health maintenance may render negative implications such as conceiving that the

avoidance of ill health is imperative, reinforcing negative stereotypes of aging,

medicalizing inactivity, and intensifying the social disparity between active and inactive

older adults (Dionigi, 2017). To illustrate the significance of negative implications,

Dionigi (2017) explains that if there is a continual push for everyone to be physically

active and engaged in life, a future generation that cannot handle age-related bodily

declines and despises inactivity may come to fruition. In essence, although there is

potential physical and psychosocial benefits of sport participation and physical activity

engagement in later life, promoting sport and physical activity may not be necessarily

favourable to all older adults.

Frustratingly, promoting structured sport and physical activity to older adults is

not particularly a straightforward concept either. For example, the heterogeneity of older

adults relates to the need for a multitude of approaches, activities, and modifications. The

promotion of physical leisure pursuits and passive leisure pursuits, such as reading, using

the computer, and social gatherings is lagging in Western societies. However, such

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pursuits have similar mental, social, and emotional benefits that are provided by more

structured sport and physical activity pursuits (Dionigi & Son, 2017; Douglas et al., 2017;

Dupuis & Alzheimer, 2008). Notwithstanding the encouraging products that such leisure

pursuits can provide, the overall practicality of promoting alternative leisure pursuits

warrants further examination and understanding (Dionigi, 2017). For example, Dionigi

(2017) explains that due to factors such as age, gender, race, socioeconomic status, or

circumstance, participation in sport is not always in everyone’s interest, neither is sport

accessible to everyone. Thus, in response to apparent complications of promoting sport

and physical activity, there is an implied responsibility for the younger generations and

health professionals to discover innovative ways to make sport accessible and appealing

(Dionigi, 2017). Nonetheless, the task of making sport accessible and appealing to

everyone is an impossible reality. However, incorporating soci-eco-political and personal

factors that make sport exclusive into the design may assist in the process and make sport

and physical activity more accepting to the next generation of older adults (Dionigi,

2017).

In accordance with the complications of promoting sport and physical activity to

everyone considered insurmountable, other options should be considered for those who

do not desire to and/or cannot participate in structured sport and physical activity.

Alternative leisure pursuits may be a more appealing and accessible options for segments

of the population, potentially maximizing opportunities throughout the lifecourse.

Furthermore, it is crucial for allied health professionals and future older adults to focus

on the influence sport and/or leisure (active-to-passive) has on ingenuity, enjoyment, and

meaning in later life (Dionigi, 2017; Dionigi & Son, 2017). With that being said, efforts

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are needed to further understand alternative leisure pursuits for older adults and how to

make structured PAL more inclusive and accessible. For example, it is suggested to ask

diverse groups of older adults for their opinions and perspectives, such as what they

value, what they can contribute, and how they can be supported, to frame being

physically active as an option among many other possibilities in later life (Dionigi, 2017).

In doing so, it has been identified that PAL engagement in later-life varies according to

several key variables (Dionigi, 2017).

One variable that has been observed by researchers and uncovered interesting

findings is gender differences regarding physical activity and sport pursuits. Kilpatrick et

al. (2005) report differences in motivation to participate in sport for college students,

whereby males are more motivated by challenge, competition, and displaying physical

capabilities. Contrastingly, females have a greater concern with their body weight,

favouring to use exercise rather than sports for health maintenance such as weight loss

(Kilpatrick et al., 2005). With respect to older adults in particular, they also demonstrate

relatively similarly gender differences among their PAL pursuits. For example, older

males tend to emphasize the competitive aspect of sport, whereas older females seem to

fixate on maintaining performance and personal capabilities through sport (Eman, 2012).

Notably, women in this study often deflected questions about appearance, such as body

image, and explained they are more bothered by declines in performance than appearance

(Eman, 2012). However, this study focused on athletically active older adults who

continue to practice sport into old age, further demonstrating the lack of research on the

motives and desires of less physically active older adults. Stathokostas and Jones (2016)

identify gender differences in the exercise choices made by previously inactive older

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adults one year after participating in a physical education intervention. They report that

men tend to participate in more sport specific activities (e.g., competitive games) than

women, and women choose more traditionally feminine activities (e.g., dancing) than

men (Stathokostas & Jones, 2016). It is important to note that these gender differences

may potentially relate to historical socially constructed norms and stereotypes of women

that framed physically active pursuits such as sport and vigorous exercise as significantly

more appropriate for men than women (Vertinsky, 1995). Thus, gender differences are

essential and must be considered for aging and physical activity research.

Another key variable when considering older adults’ physical activity behaviours

is social context. For example, the opportunity sport offers to broaden social networks

and maintaining established relationships is considered invaluable and influential for

older adults (Gayman et al., 2017a). In particular, older adults may choose to participate

in sport in part to increase interaction, affiliation, and engagement with others (Dionigi &

O’Flynn, 2007; Dionigi et al., 2011a). However, despite the positive social context sport

offers, social constraints, such as disapproval from family members for participating or

feeling obligated to maintain involvement, reveal the contrasting side of social context

for older adults in sport (Gayman et al., 2017a). Therefore, understanding the uniqueness

of older adults’ social context and how it influences their experience may assist in

promotional strategies. Specifically, it is important to investigate PAL for older adults

within Western societies where sport and physical activity is becoming increasingly

promoted and normalized (Gard et al., 2017).

Initial evidence suggests that level of physical activity involvement may influence

older adults’ perceptions of aging and physical activity. Basically, individuals who are

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more physically active may conceptualize physical activity differently than those who are

less physically active. Dionigi et al. (2011b) interviewed 21 older Canadian women (75-

92 years of age) to examine the meaning of aging among varying levels of physical

activity involvement (active, moderately active, inactive). The authors report that the

more active women expressed greater emphasis on the maintenance of their health and

physical capabilities, and accented the importance of structured exercise for aging

success than inactive women (Dionigi et al., 2011b). Correspondingly, when examining

different groups of males who varied in their physical activity involvement (active,

inactive, active with assistance), there are both similarities and differences in their

perspectives with regards to aging and PAL across the three groups (Deneau et al.,

2019b). In another study, Costello et al. (2011) interviewed 31 older men and women

(mean age of 80 years) who provided additional evidence that physically active and

inactive older adults vary greatly in perceived motivators, barriers, and beliefs regarding

physical activity. Although motivators for physical activity are similar for both groups,

inactive older adults expressed an increased number of barriers to regular physical

activity than active older adults, including meaningful use of time and intimidation of

already-established exercise groups and facilities (Costello et al., 2011). However, it is

important to note that barriers or constraints to PAL are not always considered a negative

aspect for older adults. Liechty and Genoe (2013) report that barriers and constraints

were of little concern to older aged men since they could simply choose another activity

or enjoy themselves in the level to which they could participate. Thus, barriers and

constraints may narrow choices and increase the meaning of another specific activity

(Kleiber et al., 2008). Despite the paradoxical concept of barriers and constraints, older

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adults possess an opinion regarding the structure of physical activity programs. For

example, when asked to describe an ideal physical activity program, physically inactive

older adults desired convenient, fun, and social programs, with less emphasis on health-

related outcomes (Costello et al., 2011). Additionally, older Canadian men in particular

perceive the following attributes as ideal for physical activity programs: affordable,

available, accessible, adapted, alternative, accompanied, and awareness (Deneau et al.,

2019a). These variations between physically active and inactive older adults support the

understanding that older adults are not a homogenous group, and illustrate that varying

levels of physical activity involvement can be uniquely influential throughout the life

course.

5.1.7 Physical Literacy and Older Adults

Physical education has been instrumental in teaching the fundamentals of the

physical human body, particularly to youth, contributing to the physical development of

the younger generation in a sport and physical activity setting (Mandigo et al., 2009)

However, physical education should not be only subjected to a sport and physical activity

setting, while understandings of physical development throughout the lifecourse are left

unaddressed (Lundvall, 2015). Correspondingly, there is a need for educators to move

beyond physical development in terms of performance-based measurements (e.g., speed

and strength), and incorporate the ability to interpret the environment and respond

effectively to promote lifelong learning through movement (Lundvall, 2015; Whitehead,

2001). Essentially, delving into a deeper understanding of why and how, and also if

individuals utilize their physical capacity, this may contribute to: enabling individuals

within their environment; maximizing personal capacities; and help individuals

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comprehend themselves and their surrounding world (Whitehead, 2001). Thus, in relation

to the heterogenous nature of the aging experience, particularly with varying levels of

physical capabilities in later life, an alternative approach to assess and educate older

adults’ engagement in PAL may aid in addressing physical development throughout the

lifecourse.

The concept of Physical Literacy (PL) has emerged throughout the past decades

and may improve understandings of PAL in later-life. PL originated from existential and

phenomenological philosophies and is recognized as a crucial component to human

existence for its intention to enable individuals to interact holistically with the world

(Whitehead, 2001). Notably, with the continued development and different applications

of PL, definitions in literature have varied (Edwards et al., 2017; Liu & Chen, 2020). The

International Physical Literacy Association (IPLA; 2017) defines PL as, “the motivation,

confidence, physical competence, knowledge, and understanding to value and take

responsibility for engagement in physical activities for life”, whereas Longmuir and

Tremblay (2016) use a more general definition of PL as “an individual’s capacity for

physically active lifestyle” (p. 28). Although definitions vary, the value of PL is

informing and empowering individuals as well as recognizing the importance of

responsibility for their own well-being through a lifecourse approach (Almond, 2013). In

essence, PL is a multifaceted concept intended to identify and comprehend the motives,

attitudes, beliefs, knowledge, and understanding of individuals as well as the

sociocultural context that influences their physical activity behaviour (Jurbala, 2015;

Longmuir & Tremblay, 2016; Whitehead, 2010). Additionally, Whitehead (2010) and

Jurbala (2015), among others, mention the need for innovative future directions of

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pedagogy to render PL into engagement, actions, and commitment across the lifecourse

(Lundvall, 2015). Therefore, the intent of PL is to encompass multiple aspects of physical

activity behaviours to provide a different perspective compared to the current one-

dimensional sport and physical activity policy and promotion strategies that are proving

to be less than effective in improving activity levels in Western populations (Almond,

2010).

PL has become an increasingly influential concept in Canada, demonstrated by its

implementation into physical activity policy, education, and practice (Jurbala, 2015). For

example, the Canadian Assessment of Physical Literacy (CAPL) is a comprehensive

protocol used to determine the physical literacy levels of participating children through

the assessment of a variety of skills and abilities. Furthermore, CAPL is unique because it

is conceptualized of different domains that assess multiple aspects of physical literacy,

such as a child’s daily behaviour, motivation and confidence, knowledge and

understanding, and physical competence. (CAPL, 2017). Proponents claim that the

holistic approach PL endorses is considered foundational in achieving healthy active

lifestyles across the lifecourse, simply beginning with an enriched movement

environment, and potentially leading to improved quality of life (Jurbala, 2015). PL can

be viewed as a positive feedback cycle where confidence and understanding related to

various fundamental movements enhances motivation, leading to further intentional

participation in physical activities (Jefferies et al., 2019). However, research on PL is still

in its inception (Longmuir & Tremblay, 2016) and has generally focused on children and

youth in physical education setting (Edwards et al., 2018). For example, Savaelsbergh

and Wormhoudt (2018) focussed on increasing levels of PL for children in order to

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develop future elite or recreational athletes, with the purpose of improving health

throughout the lifecourse. With that being said, there is a need to explore the PL among

other populations, such as older adults, especially if PL can be truly promoted and

understood as a lifecourse concept (Longmuir & Tremblay, 2016).

In the more recent years, there has been an emergence of research recognizing the

importance of promoting and assessing PL for the older adult population (e.g., Campelo

& Katz, 2018) and developing a PL model for older adults (e.g., Jones et al., 2018).

Almond (2010) contends that simply urging people through health promotion strategies

to be more physically active is insufficient and have failed to get older adults more active.

However, introducing a new paradigm that takes into account what it means to ‘grow’

and ‘be’ old, such as PL, may increase physical activity levels (Grant, 2010). Essentially,

a more holistic rather than prescriptive and outcome orientated conceptualization of good

health may be desired by older adults (Grant, 2010). Additionally, rather than simply

promoting physical activity to older adults through modalities of structured exercise and

sport, PL promotes the more inclusive term of purposeful physical pursuits (e.g., PAL) to

older adults (Almond, 2010). Furthermore, in a letter to the editor, Jones and Stathokostas

(2016) proposed PL promotion for older adults by potentially adapting the current PL

models for children. By doing so, the focus may need to be more on the development of

functional movements rather than sport-specific skills (Jones & Stathokostas, 2016).

They also emphasized the beneficial outcomes that promoting an exposure to a variety of

physical activity experiences, rather than simple pursuits such as walking, has on physical

functioning and quality of life to the aging population (Jones & Stathokostas, 2016).

Ultimately, promoting PL to older adults has the potential to teach them new skills, or

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relearn previous ones, in the effort to expand their overall repertoire of physical abilities

and maintain a variety of essential functional movement skills (Jones & Stathokostas,

2016). Although high levels of PL are theorized to provide individual and societal

benefits, there is paucity of research to support such claims (Longmuir & Tremblay,

2016). Furthermore, in order to justify the effort and investment of promoting PL at a

population level, Longmuir and Tremblay (2016) state that research to clearly define the

benefits of PL across the lifecourse is necessary. By providing this information, it would

establish a better understanding to guide efforts of PL researchers and policy makers for

future directions. Thus, it is evident that there is an importance to incorporate a variety of

physical activity pursuits throughout the lifecourse, rather than prescribing one or two

structured activities such as walking. However, sport may be a favourable opportunity to

essentially amalgamate an individual’s physical abilities as they often demand the

coordination of many different physical movements in order to effectively participate and

improve performance.

5.2 Ice Hockey

5.2.1 The History and Identity of Ice Hockey in Canada

Ice hockey, also referred to more simply as hockey, is a high intensity,

cardiovascular team sport played by individuals at various levels and ages. Emerging in

Canada from a blend of old folk games played by native tribes and European immigrants

in 1700-1877 (Hardy & Holman, 2009, p. 22), the sport has now expanded across

multiple continents and resulted in the development of professional leagues (Hardy &

Holman, 2009, p. 27). In the late 1800s to the early 1900s, the popularity of ice hockey

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began to increase in Canada, United States, and parts of Europe, as it became the new

“king of winter team sports” due to the exponential growth of international trade and

communication from new technological advancements (Hardy & Holman, 2009, p. 23-

24). The mid-1990s presented several significant events such as The Great Depression

and World War II, in which nations reinforced independence, thus, resulting in the

divergence of sports and the development of national identity related to sport (Hardy &

Holman, 2009, p. 24-27). The period of time after the 1970s demonstrated the ‘Rise of

Corporate Hockey’ as grassroots and leagues favoured organized play over unorganized,

corporate partnerships were enlisted to market products, and the collective systematic

approach for professional hockey was to reach the National Hockey League (NHL; Hardy

& Holman, 2009, p. 27-28). Ice hockey’s timeline of expansion and increased popularity,

especially within Western countries, has coincided with the recent phenomenon of

population aging as this cohort of individuals have been exposed to this growth

throughout their lifecourse. Notably, televising ice hockey to the Canadian audience

seemed to transition the sport from a game to a national preoccupation primarily due to

the style of play and ability to provide constant entertainment (Earle, 1995, p.109). The

prevalence of hockey and popularity percolating through the country seemingly

developed an idea that ‘hockey’ and ‘Canada’ are linked as far as a national

identification.

The complication of defining the ‘Canadian Identity’ relates to Canada’s

heterogenous demographic make-up as Quebec’s distinctiveness, First Nations people or

Indigenous populations, and immigrants from many countries are a part of the collective

identity (Dopp, 2009, p.82). Nonetheless, it is well known that ‘ice hockey’ and ‘Canada’

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are intertwined entities that link Canadian’s interest and involvement in the game to a

cultural identity. For example, 77 percent of Canadians believe that ice hockey was

important to national identity, making it the fifth most important national symbol only

behind the Charter of Rights and Freedom (93 percent), national flag (91 percent),

national anthem (88 percent) and Royal Canadian Mountain Police (87 percent) (Sinha,

2015). Moreover, 46 percent of Canadians believe ice hockey is a ‘very’ important

national symbol (Sinha, 2015). Although females were more likely to perceive national

symbols as ‘very’ important, this was with the exception of ice hockey. Among

aforementioned symbols, ice hockey was the only one that males (50 percent) rated

higher than females (42 percent; Sinha, 2015). Furthermore, a Canadian public opinion

survey from the year 2012 provided subsequent information highlighting popularity,

identity, viewership, and demographic details of ice hockey in the country. It was

reported that 24 percent of Canadians claim to ‘love’ ice hockey, and another 42 percent

also watch the sport (Evironics Institute, 2012). Additionally, men were twice as likely as

women to love ice hockey, contributing to the idea that the most likely Canadian hockey

fans are anglophone (speaking English) men aged 30-to-49 years of age (Evironics

Institute, 2012). Thus, this may imply that ice hockey being a part of the Canadian

identity is stronger among males.

In Canada, ice hockey (as of the year 2016) is considered the most popular sport

in terms of participation; followed by golf, soccer, running, and basketball (Statistics

Canada, 2019b). Nationwide data, collected in the year 2013, provided evidence to

indicate that approximately 1,230,900 Canadians aged 15 years and older played ice

hockey, 91 percent of whom were males (Canadian Broadcast Corporation (CBC), 2013).

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Furthermore, it was determined that, as of the year 2005, there are more than 2,800

hockey rinks across the country (CBC, 2013). Although the previously mentioned data

collection contradicted ice hockey’s prominence in Canada due to being done years prior

(e.g., golf was considered the most popular sport among Canadians aged 15 years and

older with 1,465,000 participants), it holds value in indicating ice hockey’s popularity

and growth within Canada. Dopp (2009, p.82) explains that Canadians may associate

national identity with peculiar obsessions such as ice hockey, and ice hockey’s relation to

national identity stems from the absence of an all-inclusive Canadian identity.

Historians and the literature have focussed on one particular event in Canadian

history to encompass national and cultural identity; The 1972 Summit Series - an eight

game ice hockey series between Canada and the Soviet Union (Russia). These games

took place from September 2

until September 28

, where four games were each played

in the participating countries. This was also during the time in which the Cold War raged

on, particularly between the United States and Soviet Union, but bares importance as it

created a pre-existing solemnity regarding national identities. Although many may have

expected the Canadian hockey team to dominate the series, that was not the case. The

first four games took place in Canada, and the Canadians would lose game one by four

goals, and game four by two goals. During the latter four games in the Soviet Union,

Canada would lose game five but win the remaining three. Up until the series, Canadians

unequivocally thought of their hockey players as being the best, and excellence in hockey

translated to being Canadian as hockey was engrained deeper into Canada compared to

other countries (Kennedy, 2009, p.48). Ice hockey’s blend of physicality, skill, toughness,

and commitment along with its cold winter-esque playing conditions made it simplistic

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for Canadians to embrace due to their perception as being the tough rugged people of the

North (Earle, 1995, p.110-111). Moreover, ice hockey players were considered a source

of Canadian identity in which the qualities of Canada can be tangibly and intangibly

characterized (Dopp, 2009, p.83). The Soviet Union team represented an opposition not

only in the game, but also with regards to style of play. Canadians in general viewed the

Soviet Union style as inferior to the way Canada played hockey (Kennedy, 2009, p.49-

50). Therefore, the failure during the series (i.e., trailing on the scoreboard, the loss of

games) and ultimately the success in the end, witnessed by 12 million of the 21.8 million

Canadians in 1972 (Earle, 1995, p. 119), represented the danger of losing national

identity, only to rediscover it altogether (Kennedy, 2009, p.54-59). The victory percolated

through Canada’s population, especially among males, as hockey’s physicality and

violent nature served as identity reinforcement with ice hockey being a distinct part of

growing up as a Canadian (Earle, 1995, p.120). However, it is important to note that

opinions regarding the aggressive and violent style of play, particularly within the NHL,

are divided among fans currently, but efforts to make the game safer are in agreement

(Evironics Institute, 2012). Nonetheless, the 1972 Summit Series represents a pivotal

point in Canadian culture, in which witnesses of the event are still societal contributors

today to the collective Canadian identity and provide a means for the event to live on

through imagination. Skinazi (2009, p. 107) compares the relationship of ice hockey in

Canada to baseball in America, as the countries significantly value their respective sports,

all while presenting opportunities of father-son bonding to continue the existence of the

relationships. The significance of mentioning father-son bonding, as opposed to a

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scenario involving females, can be related to the prevalence of male participation in the

sport.

Throughout the existence of ice hockey as a sport, it has been, and still is,

primarily played by males, although female participation has grown throughout recent

decades. For example, Hockey Canada’s female registration increased by 967%, that is

10.7 times more, from the 1990-1991 season to the 2012-2013 season (CBC, 2013).

However, nationwide data indicates that among Canadians aged 15 years and older,

males significantly outnumber females in ice hockey participation with 1,239,000 and

102,000 participants, respectively (CBC, 2013). Ice hockey’s immense participation in

favour of males, and opportunities of socialization for males, has formed a relationship

between constructions of masculinity and ice hockey (Allain, 2021; Alsarve & Angelin,

2020; Macdonald, 2014). Sports in particular are considered a medium for men to

construct their personal identities as they often embrace and express traditional forms of

masculinity through physical exertion and separation from women (Drummond, 2008;

Hartmann, 2003). Moreover, masculinity in sports encompasses themes such as the social

nature between athletes, appearance, and physical qualities of sports (MacDonald, 2014).

The ice hockey milieu is an environment that male players consider communal and a

break from ‘real life’ to speak freely among other males without the presence of social

barriers (Alsarve & Angelin, 2020). The traits male hockey players exemplify such as

protecting teammates, and aggression and physical contact towards the opponents, all of

which are considered part of the game, resonates with males as it encourages forms of

traditional masculinity (MacDonald, 2014). Specifically, Canadians intertwine notions of

hockey, the small town, and the North to form an image of masculinity through

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traditional characteristics of toughness, physicality, and willpower (Dopp, 2009, p.87).

Therefore, through physical and social characteristics, ice hockey acts as symbolizing and

an opportunity to display ideas of masculinity for (Canadian) males. However, playing at

the highest level (i.e., NHL) for all Canadian men that grew up watching and playing

hockey is not a reality, as with any sport. Fortunately, recreational hockey provides an

opportunity for adults to play the sport throughout life.

5.2.2 Recreational Ice Hockey

Recreational hockey, either formal or informal, has become a popular option for

adults to continue, or begin, participation in the sport (Kitchen & Chowhan, 2016).

Recreational hockey, in general, is typically similar to the professional game in terms of

play and rules. The differences include body checking is often prohibited, slapshots in

specific cases are removed, overall intensity is lower, and the majority of games are

played for fun (Atwal et al., 2002; Voaklander et al., 1996). Additionally, recreational

hockey is usually reserved for adults or players who have surpassed their allotted time in

organized hockey, which bodes the reason adult recreational hockey and ‘old timer

hockey’ are relatively interchangeable terms for this type of participation in the sport,

with the latter usually applying to games with participants aged 30 years and older

(Caputo & Mattson, 2005; Voaklander et al., 1996). Moreover, frequency of playing has

be identified as a dynamic characteristic, accentuating that not all players participate

equally or consistently. Kitchen and Chowhan’s (2016) analysis of the Canadian

Community Health Survey found that among Canadians aged 35 years and older, 616,479

played hockey at least once in the last three months (non-regular participant) and 351,338

played at least 12 times or once per week (regular participant). Therefore, the data

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represents that there are Canadians aged 35 years and older playing hockey, but not all

play on a ‘regular’ basis. Additionally, participation patterns may differ based on several

factors depending on the individual, but the cost to play hockey in particular is potentially

outstanding.

Hockey is considered one of, if not the most expensive sport to play as outfitting a

child costs approximately $740 (with a range of $280-to-$1200), and additional expenses

such as those associated with varying ice time, can raise total costs into the thousands

(CBC, 2013). Although cost is often identified as a barrier for physical activity and sport

involvement for older adults (Costello et al., 2011), adult players can be expected to pay

less than the estimates made for youth sports because of more affordable options

available regarding equipment and ice time rentals (Kitchen & Chowhan, 2016).

However, understanding the characteristics of the population of ice hockey players may

provide clarity regarding participation patterns and factors such as cost.

The characteristics of regular participants in ice hockey are relatively similar to

Masters Sport athletes as they are typically of middle-to-upper class and possess

sufficient resources (e.g., money) for participation (Dionigi et al., 2013a). For example,

regular ice hockey participants aged 35 years and older in Canada were associated with

higher socioeconomic status and specifically, 76 percent lived in a household with an

income of $80,000 or more (Kitchen & Chowhan, 2016). Furthermore, this represents a

consistency with perceived national identity as Canadians with a higher amount of

household income were more likely to view hockey as a ‘very’ important national symbol

(Sinha, 2015). Therefore, the higher an individual’s income (or household income), the

more likely they are to play and value hockey. Additionally, the importance of

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highlighting the comparison of characteristics for regular ice hockey participants in

Canada to Masters Sport athletes is to demonstrate how increased participation from a

population in an activity translates to increased popularity (e.g., increased number of

older athletes popularizing Masters Sport).

The prevalence of participation in hockey into adulthood and later life has

popularized organizations in North America such as the Canadian Adult Recreational

Hockey Association (CARHA) and Snoopy’s Home Ice (Snoopy’s) for their commitment

to providing ice hockey participation opportunities for this specific demographic.

CARHA provides services to assist in the development and delivery of hockey for adults

and older adults through the organization of leagues and tournaments (CARHA Hockey,

2020). Whereas, Snoopy’s hosts an annual international senior ice hockey tournament for

70 teams and greater than 1,100 players ranging from 40-to-96 years of age, with

divisions for 40 years and older, through 75 and older (Snoopy’s Home Ice, 2020).

Notably, Mark Sertich, who was awarded the Guinness World record for oldest ice player

when he participated in Snoopy’s 2017 tournament at the age of 96 years and two days

old, was still skating up until his recent passing at the age of 99 years (Merk, 2020).

Overall, there are a significant number of arenas across North America that support this

demographic by offering adult leagues for 35, 40, and 50 years of age and older (Kitchen

& Chowhan, 2016). Therefore, understanding the meaning and motivation of

participating in recreational hockey into older age can provide valuable insight and

information to organizations that promote this participation.

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5.2.3 Health Implications of Ice Hockey

The benefits of physical activity and exercise translate consistently with the

benefits of playing ice hockey, especially for older individuals playing recreationally. For

example, adults aged 35 years and older, who regularly participated in hockey, overall

have higher rated self-perceived health and lower prevalence of chronic disease (e.g.,

hypertension, diabetes, cardiovascular disease) compared to non-regular players of the

same age (Kitchen & Chowhan, 2016). Notably, there is a paucity of research for the

potential benefits of playing hockey, especially for adults recreationally, compared to

literature examining injury and health-related concerns of ice hockey players due to its

unique and physical nature. Notwithstanding, Goodman et al. (2017) conducted a study

that examined the hemodynamic responses of middle-aged men during active play and

rest periods of recreational hockey. The authors were able to report that recreational ice

hockey increases the demand on the cardiovascular system during play and rest,

suggesting an elevation in oxygen demand while the supply diminishes, for middle aged-

men (Goodman et al., 2017). Essentially, the complexity of ice hockey in relation to

physical performance and health stems from its intensity, display of skill, demand of

coordination, and all-encompassing environment. Howie Green from the University of

Waterloo explained accordingly in Bracko’s (2004) study, “Hockey is uniquely

stressful…the heat and humidity of the protective gear, the high level of coordination

required, the repeated demands made on the muscles with little rest and the astounding

requirements that it’s played while balancing on skate blades are all factors (in fatigue).”

Therefore, due to the myriad of characteristics that influence gameplay, there is a

131!

necessity to understand how the characteristics and conditions of hockey also influence

health outcomes for participants.

Ice hockey’s start and stop play is characterized by short intermittent periods of

intense anaerobic activity (shifts), while in-game breaks are administered to facilitate

recovery in essence to maintain a high level of performance throughout the game when

on the ice (Bracko, 2004; Burr et al., 2015; Mittleman, 2002). During recreational

hockey, it is not uncommon for individual’s maximum heart rate (HRmax) to consistently

be greater than 85-to-100 percent of age-predicted HRmax (Atwal et al., 2002). In

perspective, the American College of Sports Medicine (ACSM) recommends an exercise

intensity from 55/65 per cent to 90 percent of HRmax (Garber et al., 2011; Pollock et al.,

1998) However, it is important to note the calculation for age-predicted HRmax (i.e., 220

– age) is a general representation of the population and often underestimates true HRmax

for healthy middle-aged and older adults (Tanaka et al., 2001). Ultimately, the concern

for older recreational ice hockey players is the combination of high intensity play of

hockey and potential present cardiovascular risk factors, thus, framing hockey as a high-

risk sport for this population (Atwal et al., 2002; Mittleman, 2002). Furthermore, some

may argue the risk for sudden cardiac events increases for vigorous activities that exceed

six metabolic equivalents (METs), with hockey considered to be greater than 8 METs,

older adult players could be viewed as being in jeopardy (Warburton et al., 2006).

Additionally, sedentary individuals are 50 times more likely to experience a myocardial

infraction during heavy exertion, which hockey demands, compared to (habitually) active

individuals (Mittleman et al., 1993). Although the risk is understood, the chances of a

sudden death occurring due to vigorous exercise are very unlikely, such that if 500,000

132!

Canadian men played hockey 30 times a year, it would account for 10 deaths (Atwal et

al., 2002). In essence, the intensity and physical demands of hockey are in part

responsible for the potential risk of a cardiac event. However, since ice hockey is

categorized as a stop-and-start game, intensity can be considered dynamic because it

changes throughout gameplay, thus, potentially altering the level of potential risk.

Although hockey is considered a high intensity sport, players spend the highest

percentage of gameplay in a two-foot glide (39 percent) and cruising (16 percent),

whereas high intensity skating only occurs at approximately five percent of the time

(Bracko et al., 1998). These data were collected from observing NHL players, bringing

into question if and how these percentages can be applied to recreational hockey players,

let alone older adult athletes. On one hand, due to the lower intensity of recreational

hockey, the percentages may be equally applicable or even favour less intense skating

characteristics. On the other hand, recreational hockey players are less skilled, thus

economy of motion is more costly and may require more intense types of movements.

However, the comparison could also be looked at relative to individual players rather

than a generality. Nonetheless, high intensity periods of play are still considered essential

to participation, highlighting the necessity to consider and understand the health

implications of playing recreational hockey in adulthood and into later life. Therefore, in

order to further reduce the minor risk of a cardiovascular event, adults playing

recreational hockey are recommended to exercise regularly to avoid the scenario of

transitioning from sedentary lifestyle to vigorous hockey play (Mittleman, 2002).

Aside from cardiovascular risk, the epidemiology of injuries in hockey are well

represented in literature (e.g., Lorenzton et al., 1988; Mosenthal et al., 2017; Petterson &

133!

Lorenzton, 1993; Sutherland, 1976; Tegner & Lorenzton, 1991; Voaklander et al., 1996),

with the majority of research examining elite and professional players. Hockey injuries

are primarily due to body, puck, and stick contact, with the most common injuries

occurring in the head and knees, specifically concussions, contusions, sprains, and medial

collateral ligament (MCL) injuries (Lorentzon et al., 1988; Mosenthal et al., 2017;

Petterson & Lorenzton, 1993; Tenger & Lorenzton, 1991). Notably, the research

focussing on the prevalence and nature of injuries within the game of hockey has aided

equipment manufacturers and modified rules to achieve a safer environment of play. For

example, the NHL recently implemented a significant rule change at the beginning of the

2013-2014 season requiring players who have fewer than 26 games of NHL experience

(rookies) to wear a visor affixed to their helmet to increase eye protection (Brophy,

2013). Although there are rule differences such as prohibited body checking and slap

shots, and lower intensity of play change the nature and prevalence for injuries, research

for injuries within adult recreational hockey is relatively similar in that puck and body

contact are still at the focal point of injuries (Caputo & Mattson, 2005; Voaklander et al.,

1996).

Despite rule and equipment changes, there are still several risk factors related to

injuries for ice hockey players. Notable potential risk factors for injuries among adult

recreational hockey players include lack of facial protection, lower body mass index

(BMI), possessing a higher skill level, and advancing age (Voaklander et al., 1998).

Furthermore, history of injuries is a factor to be considered. Among injured adult

recreational hockey players, 89 percent had a previous injury and 24 percent re-injured

the same body part (Caputo & Mattson, 2005). The most common areas of injury for

134!

adult recreational players are the head and lower extremities, with strains/sprains and

fracture often being the most common diagnosis (Caputo & Mattson, 2005; Voaklander

et al., 1996). Moreover, the majority of recorded injuries were considered to be mild and

not requiring hospitalization. However, Caputo and Mattson (2005) accentuate the

possible under-reporting of injuries ultimately due to the ‘hockey culture’ of playing hard

and through injuries. Such adages, or clichés, as “no pain, no gain”; “suffering is needed

to succeed”; “fortune favours the bold”; or “I went to a fight and a hockey game broke

out” have become commonplace. In essence, modifying the rules and regulations of the

game, along with improvements to protective equipment, should continue to reduce

injuries and facilitate safe play for adults. Thus, recreational hockey should continue to

be a popular option for middle-age and older adults, with maintaining an active lifestyle

outside of hockey and ensuring premium safety as modifiable factors that reduce any

potential of risk.

With respect to the examination of hockey and aging men, Allain’s (2020)

qualitative analysis of 18 older men participating in a recreational hockey league provides

an understanding of the hockey experience in older age related to risk and pleasure. The

author found that these older men were driven to participate in hockey due to enjoyment

and pleasure rather than the standard pressures of neoliberal health strategies that

encourage older adults to exercise and remain active (Allain, 2020). Furthermore, the

participants used hockey to resist aging stereotypes such as physical decline and

increased inactivity, while positioning hockey and themselves as safe rather than

associated with risk (Allain, 2020). Notably, although the relationship of masculinity and

hockey has been expounded, Allain (2021) found that older men participating in hockey

135!

resist traditional forms of masculinity such misogyny and homophobia occurring in

locker room conversation. These older men demonstrate a hybrid model of masculinity,

placing greater emphasis on enjoyment, fair play, and healthy behaviours rather than

competitiveness and sacrifice (Allain, 2021). Ultimately, older men who participate in

hockey appear to value games in older age more compared to youth as they accentuate

the plethora of benefits hockey provides them later life as well as the release from

traditional hegemonic masculinity in sports (Allain, 2020).

Nonetheless, hockey is a sport enjoyed by middle and older aged men, especially

throughout Canada, for its synergy of exercise and camaraderie despite being a high

intensity sport with the potential for injuries occurring at time in life during which there

is greater risk. Montreal Canadiens’ legend Ken Dryden appropriately wrote in the

national best-selling book ‘Home Game’, “I think I will play forever” (Dryden &

MacGregor, 1989, p. 274) when referring to his continued participation in old-timer

hockey into later life. Thus, although there is an abundance of evidence to illustrate that

injuries or ill health incidents may occur especially among an older adult population who

engages with such sport and physical activity as hockey, there is still a passion, a drive,

and a sense of identity, in particular among males, to continue their participation in later

life. Similar to the need for qualitative research to investigate various aspects and

attributes as to why Masters athletes engage in sport and physical activity in later years

despite a myriad of quantitative research, there is a need to further understand facets of

engagement in hockey among middle-to-older adult males.

136!

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Appendices

Appendix A – Semi-Structured Interview Guide

Introduction:

1. Tell me about yourself and your history with ice hockey?

Probe if they started younger or in adulthood

Probe about their participation in youth if applicable

Meanings of Ice Hockey Participation:

a. What does playing hockey mean to you?

b. Why do you play hockey?

c. Why do you continue to play?

d. What would make you stop playing?

Probe for favourite aspects of hockey

Probe for similarities/differences in motivation and benefits

Probe for influence of hockey in everyday life

Probe for frequency of participation over life

Factors Influencing Ice Hockey Involvement:

3. How have your experiences and/or circumstances in life influenced your

involvement with hockey?

Probe for positive and negative influences

Probe for family influences (e.g., parent’s experience with hockey, father-son

dynamic)

Probe for social influences (e.g., friends played hockey, locker room, social

interaction)

Probe for historical influences (e.g., Hockey is considered a Canadian sport)

Probe for cultural influences (e.g., popularity of hockey for demographic)

Probe for influence health conditions and injury history

Probe for influence of Covid with prevention of participation for 1+ year

4. Tell me about the style or types of hockey games you play?

Probe for formal (e.g., leagues) and informal (e.g., pick-up)

Probe for relationship to peers (e.g., friends, co-workers, family)

Probe for skill level of peers

Probe for self-perceived ability in hockey and why

Probe for comparison in ability to peers

Probe how comparison may influence the hockey experience

Hockey in Later Life:

5. Describe your transition of playing hockey into older age?

6. How has aging influenced your enjoyment, motivations, etc. with playing

hockey?

7. How do you feel about men playing hockey in later life?

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Probe for positive/negative feelings

Probe for comparison to youth (e.g., competition, mentality, safety, protection)

Probe if they would recommend playing ice hockey to older adults who don’t play

or may have interest

8. Tell me about your knowledge of senior hockey tournaments and organizations?

Probe for involvement in tournaments or organizations

Probe for experiences and opinions (if any)

Probe for differences from formal to informal play

Probe for recommendations to improve the overall experiences of older players

Physically Active Leisure:

9. Tell me about your physical activity and sport participation outside of hockey

Probe for different types of PAL (e.g., exercise, household chores, other sports)

Probe for relationship between PAL and hockey in life

Probe how one may influence the other

Probe for history of PAL (young, adulthood, later life)

Physical Literacy:

10. What do you think Physical Literacy means?

Probe for differences from physical activity

11. Physical literacy is the motivation, confidence, physical competence, knowledge,

and understanding to value and take responsibility for engagement in physical

activities for life. How do you think playing hockey in later life relates to physical

literacy?

Probe for understandings of PL as a holistic approach

Probe for demonstrations of PL in life

Probe how PL could be promoted to older adults

Conclusion:

12.

a. Are there any other comments you wish to add or questions you think I may

have missed?

b. Is there anything you believe to be missing from the interview?

c. Is there a hockey story you have that did come up during the interview?

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Appendix B – Demographic Questionnaire

Note: due to COVID-19 the questionnaire will be administered orally rather than pen-

and-paper

Participant ID: ________________ Date of Birth (month and year only): ____

Gender: ________________ Highest Level of Education: ___________

Ethnicity: ____________________ Parents/Grandparents Canadian? Yes/No

Perceived Level of Health:

___ Good or Very Good ___ Fair ___ Bad or Very Bad

Marital Status:

___Married ___Single ___Divorced ___Widowed ___Other (please explain below):

Employment Status:

___Working Full-Time ___Working Part-Time ___Retired ___Other (please explain

below):

Prior to Covid-19, how often would you participate in physical activities – where

you would break a sweat or have trouble talking (e.g., running, skating)?

___ Not at all ___ Less than 1 hour a week ___1-3 hours a week ___3 or more hours

a week

Currently, how often would you participate in physical activities – where you would

break a sweat or have trouble talking (e.g., running, skating)?

___ Not at all ___ Less than 1 hour a week ___1-3 hours a week ___3 or more hours

a week

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Total Years of Ice Hockey Participation: _____

Any chronic health conditions diagnosed by a medical professional? Please list:

Any physical injuries occurring outside of hockey that required medical treatment

and/or had a recovery time of a month or longer?

___ Yes ___ No

If Yes, please list and note if any caused an absence from hockey, indicate how

long (e.g., 6 months) the absence was if possible.

Any physical injuries occurring in hockey that required medical treatment and/or

had a recovery time of a month or longer?

___ Yes ___ No

If Yes, please list and note if any caused an absence from hockey, indicate how

long (e.g., 6 months) the absence was if possible.

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Appendix C – Relationship of Hockey and PAL

Participation in hockey for older men provides a physically active outlet to assist

in meeting the Canadian Physical Activity Guideline of 150 minutes of moderate-to-

vigorous exercise weekly and contributing to reduced sedentary time (Participaction,

2021). Although the participants engage in hockey games that are typically an hour or an

hour and half (i.e., 60-90 minutes) in length, due to the style of gameplay, the

incorporation of ‘shifts’ means participants are not necessarily always active during the

game. Nonetheless, participants share the role of hockey in their PAL, the importance of

reaming active outside of hockey, and the mutualistic relationship of hockey and PAL as

well as active daily living.

Coincidently, Gerald (76 years) understood his participation in hockey directly

related to meeting PA guidelines: “Like Canada’s physical activity guideline are an hour

a day. Well hockey’s an hour a day.” Furthermore, participants also varied in frequency

of play as most average once or twice weekly, and notably Guy (75 years) and Gerald (76

years) averaged three and six times per week respectively, representing multiple

opportunities to be physically active during a set week. Particularly, this group of older

men indicated they were all physically active on a weekly basis prior to Covid-19

restrictions when hockey was permitted to be played in Ontario. Therefore, due to the

exercise hockey provides and frequency of play, the sport can be justified as an essential

contributor to meeting physical activity guidelines for these older men.

Despite the encouraging prospect of hockey as a main source of physical activity

in older age for the participants, maintaining an active lifestyle outside of hockey is

underscored by participants and research. Specifically, the emphasis to exercise regularly

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and avoid excessive sedentary behaviour for older adult hockey players stems from the

cardiovascular risk related to high intensity sports (Atwal et al., 2002; Mittleman, 2002).

Lester (60 years) encompassed his understanding of the importance of external exercise

when participating in a high intensity PA when he explained:

“I mean you can't sit inactive all week long as we all know, and all the research

says you can't be inactive all week long and then ramp it up to high level physical

activity which is what hockey is once per week.”

More simply, Greg (58 years) expressed his concern for himself and others, claiming,

“Hockey shouldn't be my primary source of exercise because you're asking for trouble.”

Encouragingly, the participants conveyed an informed understanding of the importance

of regular exercise as sedentary individuals are more likely to experience a cardiac event

during heavy physical exertion, which hockey entails, illustrating the potential risk for

older adults refraining from exercise external of hockey (Mittleman et al., 1993;

Warburton et al., 2006). For example, Gerald (76 years) explained through an analogy:

“The weekend athlete gets injured more. You go and have the heart attack on the

weekend because you haven't done anything for weeks.” Similar to Gerald’s analogy,

Dean (60 years) also indicated the danger of being a ‘weekend athlete’:

“A lot of us in our age group we worry about the weekend warrior aspect of

things and you know sedentary job in an office all week, then going on the

Thursday night and blasting two hours worth of hockey and going into vapor lock

cause it's too much overload for your body all at once when you live a sedentary

life.”

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Furthermore, Dwayne (58 years), a frequent cyclist, placed importance of maintaining

good physical condition for hockey when he said:

“What I want to make sure that when I go put on a pair of skates, I know hockey

requires enormous amounts of energy and short spurts. And so I keep active, I'm

an above average cyclist which helps me keep top notch condition for my age,

keeps my heart rate in very good shape …That's one of the reasons I cycle

because cycling…is not a total body workout but it keeps you very strong from the

waist down and it gives you a strong heart and a lot of endurance.”

Along with communicating the benefits of cycling for staying good physical shape,

Dwayne also attributed his external exercise (cycling) to his ingrained confidence of

avoiding an on-ice heart attack.

Accordingly, the participants exemplified an equal importance of maintaining an

active lifestyle in line with findings in research. Many acknowledge that the combination

of their age along with the intensity of hockey promulgates the necessity to entertain

other physically active pursuits along with hockey to maintain performance and reduce

physical risk. Although the participants consistently communicate that hockey contributes

to self-maintenance of their health, they also understood it should not be the only source

of physical activity for their age group due to health reasons. However, it is worth noting

the occurrence of a fatal cardiac event during hockey is very unlikely for older adult

players and exercising regularly is recommended to reduce the minor risk (Atwal et al.,

2002; Mittleman, 2002).

As the importance of maintaining an active lifestyle in unison with hockey is

highlighted by health risks, the participants also describe the relationship between hockey

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and physically active leisure (PAL) as mutualistic in their lives. Essentially, participation

in hockey benefits engagement in PAL, and engagement in PAL benefits participation in

hockey for these older men. For example, continued participation in hockey is a valuable

work out that compliments other PAL pursuits and aspects of active daily living.

Inversely, engaging in activities such as other sports or walking and running assists in

maintaining good physical condition that translates directly to playing hockey effectively.

To demonstrate, Charlie (58 years) explained,

“I enjoy being in shape, and it also helps play hockey and vice versa. Hockey

helps you stay in shape…they [exercise] help each other out right? Playing

hockey helps you stay fit, being fit helps.”

Like Charlie, Ken (58 years) also expressed this mutualistic relationship when he states,

“I think it [hockey] will fit as long as I can do it physically because I think it compliments

everything else I do for working out in a nice way.” He also used a comparison to another

sport, saying participating in tennis is seamless because hockey improves his “whole

VO2max cardiovascular ability.” Furthermore, Gerald (76 years) explained through his

experience of playing hockey and cycling regularly: “They complement each

other…they’re just a great combination for just me. I probably couldn't do what I'm

doing in hockey right now if it wasn't for the cycling.” Additionally, Dwayne (58 years)

and Guy (75 years) fixated on the broader spectrum of PAL and aspects of daily living to

describe the benefits of hockey. Particularly, Dwayne explained his reasoning to play

hockey related to his family and career:

“I just want to stay youthful as long as I can, stay active as long as I can, because

it keeps me motivated to get up and do things, be at work, spend time with the

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wife, the kids, be able to chase the grandkids around, but you got to be physically

active to do that.”

With similar purpose, Guy communicated the mutualistic relationship through the

intersection of hockey, independence and functioning in later life:

“Right now today, yeah, you can cut the lawn…you don't have to hire a lawn

service. You can go for walks with your dog, you can go for walks with your wife.

You can participate in activities that are a little bit physical. I mean I golf a lot

and I'm an active person I want to stay active, and hockey is what's kept me that

way because it's such an easy way. I mean I can go to the gym, but I can't get to

the level of the cardiovascular in the gym that I can get in hockey.”

Another common aspect of the relationship between hockey and PAL the

participants demonstrated is the observation of self-performance in hockey serving as an

indicator for their own physical capabilities. For example, Dean (60 years) referred to his

on-ice performance as “a barometer of where I am physically, how I'm feeling”, whereas

Greg (58 years) framed hockey as “serving as a measuring stick for my own physical

abilities.” To a further extent, Dwayne (58 years) translated his knowledge from cycling

to hockey:

“I learned this from cycling, you judge how successful you are year to year, you

know, and you can see that hey I'm maintaining, maintaining, maintaining, I'm

progressing, I’m progressing. Oh, I'm now regressing.”

Essentially, playing hockey for these older men served as a benchmark for their current

physical capacity, implying that struggling in on ice play may indicate a requirement to

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increase engagement in other physical activities or exercise to offset regression in

endurance and strength.

Ultimately, the understanding of expanding an individual’s horizons of physical

activities along with hockey is consistent with the concept of physical literacy in later

life. Physical literacy highlights exposing older adults to a variety of physical activities in

order to broaden physical abilities and maintain functional movement skills (Jones &

Stathokostas, 2016). Thus, the combination of participation in hockey and engagement in

a variety of PAL is beneficial for these older men’s physical capabilities as well as active

daily living.

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Appendix D – Mental/Cognitive Health

Research and anecdotal perspectives have primarily focused on the physical

health characteristics and social camaraderie with respect to hockey and older adults,

while there is a dearth on the examination aspects related to cognition and mental health.

Furthermore, it has been demonstrated that engaging in physical activity provides older

adults with a myriad of health-related benefits that span beyond body components that

can be tangibly observed. For example, maintenance of cognitive and emotional

functioning as well as psychosocial-well-being are identified as beneficial outcomes of

physical activity engagement for the older population (Chodozko-Zajko et al., 2009;

Dionigi et al., 2011a; Gajewski & Falkenstein, 2016; Gayman et al., 2017b; Yen & Lin,

2018). Specific to hockey, Allain (2021) highlighted the feelings of pleasure and

enjoyment from the experiences of older male hockey players, signifying mental and

emotional well-being as a product of participation. Through their perspectives, these

older men valued the enjoyment, concept of an escape and cerebral demands that hockey

affords. To provide a brief summary on enjoyment influencing mental/cognitive health,

Charlie (58 years) stated:

“I enjoy the game…I enjoy that puck on my stick, I enjoy making that nice pass I

enjoyed putting the puck in the net. I enjoy winning, even if it's just a shinny

game. I enjoy laughter that we have with our friends, the camaraderie…It’s also

just getting out right? Getting out of the house and getting exercise, there's just so

many things about it that I enjoy.”

Throughout the interviews, the participants expressed similar emotional feelings

when discussing their participation in hockey. The overall love for the game was

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prominently present along with experiencing enjoyment throughout the different facets of

the game. For example, when focusing on why he plays hockey, Ken (58 years)

explained: “If I had to prioritize it, one is physical fitness, but that very closely dovetailed

to the love of the game.” Also, Gordon (71 years) expressed the relationship between

enjoyment and motivation: “The emotional is the love for the sport. The love to get out

there and do that.” Furthermore, many of these men explained their reasoning for

continuing to play hockey into older age was firmly because it is a sport that continued to

evoke enjoyment through play, interaction, and empowerment. Dean (60 years) simply

stated: “I've always got the biggest thrill out of playing hockey versus any other sport I

ever played,” as his reason to continue participation. Guy (75 years), in particular,

emphasized what hockey provides him:

“The strongest thing you can look at is what hockey does. It's a sport that's fast,

it's a sport that's exciting and it's a sport that gives you satisfaction…So that part

of the game, it has really been important for me because the endorphins…I got

high on just exercising and sweating and just enjoyed being and trying to stay in

shape with a lot of fun people.”

Specific to empowerment, Greg (58 years) and Dwayne (58 years) framed enjoyment as

extension of capability in later life. Greg explained from an internal interpretation, “I've

always enjoyed it [hockey], and it's something I just don't want to give up at this point in

time because I enjoy doing and I’m capable of doing it.” Similarly, Dwayne used an

external interpretation of his peers to describe enjoyment in hockey: “They just love the

game, they just want to keep playing, because it's an outlet, and it's something they can

do.” Moreover, the sensation of making plays and scoring goals are fixated instances

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where accomplishment and positive feelings of empowering others were noticed. Russ

(56 years) enthusiastically expressed, “Hey when you score a goal there's a high there eh

with your buddies.” Similar to Russ’s feelings on scoring goals, Charlie (58 years)

explained:

“Scoring is exhilarating, breaking a sweat. At the end of the day, you're tired but

you feel like wow…your heart's pumping, it's a good feeling, adrenaline's

rushing… But I love to set up a nice goal just as much as I like scoring...So

making that nice pass right, and then you score, that's just as rewarding as

putting the puck in the net…so maybe you get more enjoyment out of making that

beautiful pass right?”

Intriguingly, Gordon (71 years) expounded the enjoyment of scoring and passing through

his meaning of ‘fun’:

“I liked the opportunity to pass the puck to someone else and someone score or

make a phenomenal play…I like that feeling of teamwork…where you're all vying

in the same direction towards a common goal, which is my definition of

fun…when everyone is playing together with a common goal and you reach the

goal, that's what fun is.”

Notably, as youthfulness was identified as common theme from the participants, the sight

and the sounds of hockey, such as the skates carving into ice and the puck leaving the

stick for a shot, stimulated nostalgic feelings from the older men’s youth, providing an

internal reminder of their lifelong love for the sport. In essence, hockey was an activity

for these older men to experience pleasure and enjoyment, supplying their mental state

with a myriad of positive feelings.

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On the topic of the mental and cognitive aspects of hockey, some participants

fixated on the overlying importance playing hockey has on their mental and emotional

health, accentuating equal importance to physical health. For example, Gordon (71 years)

expressed the plethora of benefits he receives from hockey:

“I think it's more than physically healthy, it's mentally healthy, it’s emotionally

healthy…you're a whole person comprised of more than just muscle mass…you're

an emotional person, you're a spiritual person, your cognitive person, you're a

social person. All that melded together to play physical sports, so that's all

important and that's all part of it.”

Additionally, Gerald (76 years) explained the influence hockey has on his mental health:

“The motivation aspect of wanting to play and continuing to want to play is good

for my mental health. You know the socialization is good for my mental

health…and the beer is just good for my mental health too.”

With respect to Covid, Guy (75 years) conveyed he is “a little more down” emotionally

due to not being able to play hockey, implying the value of hockey towards his mental

health.

Contrastingly, some participants communicated feelings of frustration, revealing the

experience is not entirely an influx of positive emotions. For example, these older men

claimed it “pisses you off” and “takes away from enjoyment” when they were unable to

perform hockey skills they were once capable of doing due to aging. To illustrate, Guy

(75 years) elaborated:

“It's a little stressful because you can't do what you did when you're 50 and 60,

and now you're in your 70’s and so your limited what you can do, so it's a little

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frustrating that way. But as long as you keep the mental attitude that you’re still

playing, that you're trying to play with people your own age so that you can have

more fun that way and I think I've accepted it. Nobody wants to get old, but you

know you want to do it as gracefully as possible.”

For the participants who conveyed frustration, it was ubiquitously mentioned with the

acceptance of realistic self-expectations and changes that accompany aging. In other

words, older players should understand that age related declines in physical functioning

will deteriorate performance but accepting and adapting to bodily changes is

recommended to avoid emotional self-infliction. As Greg (58 years) mentioned, “It's the

mental aspect around that and being realistic about what you're doing.” Like Greg,

Dwayne (58 years) explained:

“I also got be a realist and prepare myself for those emotional changes because

you know we're all driven…So that will bring emotions to you and [you] deal with

the game because you’ll see I'm actually starting to regress, I can't keep up, I’m

physically not able to. So you have to deal with that and you got to prepare

yourself for those emotions because it's going to happen.”

From a positive outlook, Ken (58 years) explained, “It's nice when everybody else is the

same age, in the same level because they've all accounted for it [age related change],” to

demonstrate the benefits of adaption and acceptance. However, despite expressing

feelings of frustration, the participants appeared to be learners and adapters in the aging

process instead of being bothered by their current capabilities. Moreover, the participants

conveyed these negatively perceived feelings as embracing the challenges of playing

sports into older age, rather than a barrier to participation.

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Another theme emerging from the discussions related to cognition is the mental

pause from everyday life as a result of playing hockey. For the participants, going out to

play hockey was commonly conceptualized as an ‘escape’. Lester (60 years) stated that

hockey disbands “the drudgery of work, home, work, home,” providing disjunction in his

rudimentary routine. In further detail, Greg (58 years) explained:

“Hockey's just a de-stressor…it takes your mind off stuff…cause you're playing

the game, and you’re having a good laugh…it's an escape from your everyday

routine, or just a break from that routine you have at home.”

Furthermore, Gordon (71 years) said, “Looking forward to seeing different people outside

of my career, outside of my family, getting a break from the norm, getting some

exercise,” emphasizing hockey breaking routine and normality Additionally, some

participants further detailed the concept of hockey as an ‘escape’, indicating it was an

optimal opportunity to clear mental irritation. In particular, Dean (60 years) described the

necessity of a ‘physical outlet’ to support his mental state:

“It’s [hockey] different and it's fun and you’re out of the house, you’re out of your

regular life that’s chewing at you from all different directions all the time and it's

a release. A lot of the time too, [we] work out a lot of crap when we're out

there…You need to blow some steam off…you need to get some of that daily shit

out of your life and that's what works for me mentally.”

To his own accord, Gordon (71 years) employed hockey to “get out the yayas”, to which

he later described ‘yayas’ as mental irritations. The idea of hockey as an escape for the

participants also stems from the extensive time hockey consumes. From the time it takes

to drives to the rink, get ready in the dressing room, play the game, then unwind

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afterwards, hockey is time consuming occupancy that can range from two to three hours.

In essence, playing hockey is an opportunity to forgo the burdens that may present in life,

such as work or a mental nuisance, transferring focus to the enjoyment and thrill of

playing a sport with others. For these older men, hockey provided a break from everyday

life to clear their mental state through the replacement of physical exertion and social

interaction.

Lastly, although hockey is essentially observed as a high intensity sport that

challenges physical abilities, the cerebral fundamentals of playing effectively cannot be

overlooked. With the face-paced style of play and the necessity of constant decision

making, hockey can be conceived as a cognitively active sport. Russ (56 years) actively

dismissed other’s perceptions of hockey:

“Everybody thinks hockey's no brainer…but there's a lot of thinking out there and

it's quick…your reaction, plays always moving, you got to be thinking all the time,

where to go, what to do, pay attention to who's open, who's chasing you…I

believe it keeps your mind sharp…golf, it’s a little bit slower game. It's fine and

everything like that but it's not a quick pace game where hockey is.”

From watching and playing hockey, Gerald (76 years) demonstrated notions of

continuous learning when he said, “Analyzing the play a little bit more, thinking where is

he supposed to be? Where am I supposed to be? Just continuing to try and figure the

game out.” Similar to Gerald’s learning process, Guy (75 years) commented how his

conversion from playing forward to defense made him a ‘better hockey player’ because

he was more ‘conscience and aware’ on the ice. Moreover, through learning hockey in

adulthood, Dwayne (58 years) found, “I learned the same amount as a person who

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started [playing] at age five to 25…and kept my brain working and it's never too late, so

hopefully it keeps working that way well into my 80’s.” Therefore, the participants

described playing hockey as a cerebral sport due to factors such as speed, attentiveness

and processing gameplay, even depicting it as superior to other sports that involve similar

cognitive demands. As engagement in physical activity and sport participation in general

is considered essential in maintaining cognitive functioning for older adults at a time

when function naturally declines, these older men suggested that hockey was cognitively

and mentally beneficial due to the associated cognitive characteristics.

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Appendix E – Additional information related to themes that emerged

Hockey Identity – the Canadian aspect: a secondary facet

With respect to constructing identity, despite the linkage of hockey and being

Canadian extremely well recognized, these older men did not consensually conceptualize

their identity as a ‘Canadian’ hockey player. Some participants acknowledged the

connection of hockey and Canada as well as their pride for being Canadian. As Charlie

(58 years) explained, “I love being Canadian, I'm proud to be Canadian, and I'm proud

that our game is hockey...it all rolls into one.” Also, Russ (56 years) used nationality to

conceptualize his identity as a hockey player: “I'm a Canadian, isn't that what we are

[hockey players]?” Although he provides more variety, Dean (60 years) made similar

comments about national identity:

“Well, I mean hockey's ubiquitous in Canada. I mean you think hockey, you think

Canada. It’s hockey, maple syrup, the Beaver, the Maple Leaf and it's [explicit

language] cold up here. That's how the whole world knows us. When I travel, I

always have at least one Canadian hat…I'm proud to be a hockey player from

Canada.”

Like previous participants, Dwayne (58 years) found that hockey, “brings out the

Canadian in people” due to nationalization. However, many participants also suggested

the indirect influence Canada had on their hockey experience, and involvement in hockey

was merely a product of their environment such as friends who also played, the

appropriate cold weather, and the viewing opportunities (e.g., Hockey Night in Canada).

For example, Greg (58 years) explained that “as a little kid you don't see it [hockey] as

Canadian…you just see it as hockey…in my mind everybody in the world played

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hockey…so it's very limited until you get more exposure.” Furthermore, Ken (58 years),

who immigrated from Greece as a child, found the Canadian influence as indirect because

his “friends played it [(hockey], and they were Canadian of course, so ultimately, they

dove tailed.” Similarly, when asked if growing up Canadian influenced his involvement

in hockey, Gordon (71 years) was direct in his response:

“Not really. It's just something to do with the rest of the boys in the

neighbourhood. Road hockey in the spring, baseball in the summer, little bit of

football. It was really just a neighborhood habit. Everybody was doing it.”

In essence, participants did not get involved in hockey directly due to being Canadian,

rather hockey was always around them throughout their lives.

However, one instance when some participants accentuated being a ‘Canadian’

hockey player was during their experiences in senior men’s hockey tournaments in older

age. For the participants who spoke of the experience, there was an opportunity to play

with and against American players. Charlie (58 years), who played in and recruited other

fellow Canadians to play in an American senior men’s hockey tournament, mentioned

that, “at times, could be 3, 4, 5 Canadian players on this American team.” While Charlie

does not compare Canadian to American players, he spoke of himself and his teammates

as being Canadians, differentiating them from their American counterparts. Particularly,

Dean (60 years) drew on comparisons of Canadian and American players from similar

experiences like Charlie. Dean shared his opinion of older American hockey recreational

hockey players:

“They’re the competitive guy, you're 50 [years old] plus, and it's generally

Americans…we're the Canadian content…the other guys are all from the States.

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And I can see standard American guys on that team. They’re in their 50’s, playing

at our level, buying $250 sticks and $900 skates and they’re practicing with their

special hockey ball out in the hallway ahead of time. Dude, just relax, realize

where you are and what you are, for God's sake…it's the big American bravado. I

got to be the best, I got to have the best equipment and stuff. I don’t know what

level you played growing up, but you’re not there anymore.”

From their experiences, these men embraced being older Canadian hockey players,

separating themselves from the Americans whether it was due to the hockey-Canada

connection or the negatively perceived American stereotypes.

Hockey is dangerous and risky: a myth or misunderstanding?

The importance of maintaining a physically lifestyle in older age directly relates

to increases in the prevalence of disease and decreases in functional health in older age,

as well as the consequences of physical inactivity directly contrasting the benefits of

being physically active (Cunningham et al., 2020; Kingston et al., 2018; Statistics

Canada, 2015a). With sport being considered an appropriate outlet for older adults to

maintain an active lifestyle (Dionigi, 2017), adherence to the physical demands,

movements and safety of sports must not be overlooked in order to decrease the

prevalence of risk and prolong participation. However, participants perceived hockey as

an anomaly among other high intensity sports as it can be maintained into later life due to

factors such as style of play, protection, safety protocols and policies. Among the variety

of comments related to style of play, the most common responses involved mentioning

the ‘gliding motion’ in hockey. Gerald (76 years) pointed out that hockey is, “easy on the

joints, because you're gliding, not running or pounding or anything like that…skating is

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so easy on the body.” Notably, researchers have found the majority of gameplay is spent

in lower intensity skating positions such as gliding, whereas high intensity skating only

occurred approximately five percent of the time (e.g., Bracko, 1998). Ultimately, the

luxury of being able to simply glide on the ice to participate effectively, contributed to

longevity of play for older men as it was less taxing on endurance and joints. Lester (60

years) explained the most directly when he said:

“I can continue to participate as a normal hockey player…that gliding motion

and that the skating motion is easier on the knees and the body physically…so I

just find that it's a high intensity activity, but my old aging body is able to

continue playing it.”

Additionally, Guy (75 years) stated, “I don't think there's a lot of sports that you can play

up into your 70s and play it active, like you can't play football at that age.” With regards

to protection and safety policies, the advancements made and expectations to abide by the

rules have contributed to a safer environment for participation especially for older

players. Gerald (76 years) brought up a disagreement with his doctor on the safety in

hockey: “It's probably the safest thing I do, name me another sport Doc that I've got this

much of protective equipment on… I've never really been injured, and what other sport

offers me the protection.” Additionally, Greg (58 years), who often emphasized the

importance of safety and policy, explained:

“All the safety that's built into the game now, just with rules and regulations even,

even for rec hockey for adults. Again, there's an expectation that everybody wears

safety equipment…all that safety and protection has translated into all levels of

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sport and it's a lot safer than it was, in most aspects, now than it now than it ever

used to be.”

Furthermore, Greg built on his previous statement to explain longevity of participation:

“policy in safety is going to simply allow the sport to progress to the next level…by

making it safer for people to play and…they’ll play for longer and enjoy it.” Many

participants candidly remarked the non-checking rule to further cement their position on

the safety of hockey, presuming that it was a sport that has the facilities and progression

to be played into older age.

Also, some reassured their hypothesis when speaking with their doctors. Gerald (76

years) stated, “My doctor will say I shouldn't play hockey it's a dangerous sport. And I

said, ‘Well it kept me alive this long.’” Like Gerald, Guy (75 years) explained, “He

[doctor] checks your blood pressure and checks your heart and ‘Jesus you're really in

great shape here…what have you been doing?’ Then you tell him hockey. He says, ‘Well,

this is why.’”

Despite the encouraging outlook on longevity of participating and safety

measures, risk and injuries are still applicable in hockey for participants of any age. Risk

in hockey was often associated with physical injuries such as stick and puck contact,

along with more internal conditions such as cardiac arrest (Atwal et al., 2002; Mittleman,

2002; Caputo & Mattson 2005; Voaklander et al., 1996). Participants were aware of the

inherent risk of injuries

and cardiac events, but reinforced that many injuries are minor and would not prevent

participation. Lester (60 years) addressed the stereotypes of hockey when he explained,

“I think there's a perception that it's a dangerous sport. That is not true. That's not been

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my experience, any injuries that I had were minor.” Additionally, Dwayne (58 years)

acknowledged minor ailments and injuries are ubiquitous in older age and shouldn’t

discourage engagement in activities:

“I know there's many days I don't feel that great, like my body's aching but it

doesn't get me down, it doesn't say, I can't do this, I can't do that. You just learn

how to roll with the punches, you know, because the last time I felt 100% was a

long long time ago. There's always some aching paining part of your body that

you feel throughout the day, but doesn't mean you stop doing things.”

Dwayne (58 years) diminished apprehension of participation related to risk by

underscoring his fitness levels: “I keep active, which keeps my heart rate in very good

shape so that when I hit the ice, I'm not afraid to push myself…I'm not worried about

having a heart attack.” Many participants conveyed greater concern for others rather

than themselves regarding injuries and cardiac events. For example, Dwayne also

mentioned, “some of them should take better care of themselves” and “they could put

themselves at risk” because “if you're not physically fit, you could hurt yourself from a

lifelong injury such as a heart attack.” However, Gerald (76 years) described the

responsibility of the group playing to prevent such incidents: “We're all looking out for

each other, we're out there for everybody's health and keeping us around to play again

next week.” Additionally, some participants addressed the responsibility of the group or

teammates to express concern or advice to players that are either in pain or seem to be

exerting beyond their physical limitations to further reduce risk. Ultimately, injuries and

pain were an unavoidable occurrence in hockey, but the risk to reward ratio was a

common fixture for participants. Charlie (58 years) expressed caution, but also the

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benefits of hockey and reality of health conditions to devise his continued participation

when he explained:

“There is a risk, you know if your heart can't take it, you shouldn't be playing,

and you could potentially have a heart attack that it's going to damage your

heart. So is it worth the risk? But then the other side is, you're getting physical

activity that's also helping with your heart and helping to you keep in shape. So I

think that part outweighs the other part. And it's like, you know you could have a

heart attack even if you don't play hockey, and so to me the benefit outweighs the

risk.”

Despite the prominence of injuries that may occur in older age and congruent risk-reward

of participating, adapting and maximizing current physical abilities was a key factor that

participants highlighted that allows for continued participation for as long and safe as

physically possible. To highlight a few comments, Lester (60 years) explained, “You

have to make changes to allow for the advanced age” and Charlie (58 years) stated he

takes less slap shots in pick-up because he may “feel the repercussions” due to his

shoulder replacement surgery. Also, managing endurance and injuries were a common

adjustment. Greg (58 years) found, “the big thing right now is managing the aches and

pains… to the best of our ability”, whereas Dean (60 years) said, “I stretch a lot more

because the older you get, the less limber you get, you gotta loosen up more.” Ultimately,

although there was risk involved in playing hockey and stereotypes have often framed the

sport as dangerous in older age, these older men considered hockey a safe and healthy

endeavor in later life.

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Vita Auctoris

NAME:

Ryan Tomaselli

YEAR OF BIRTH:

1994

EDUCATION:

F.J. Brennan Catholic High School, Windsor ON, 2012

University of Windsor, B.H.K., Windsor ON, 2016

University of Windsor, M.H.K., Windsor ON, 2022