PSU McNair Scholars Online Journal PSU McNair Scholars Online Journal
Volume 16
Issue 1
Environmental, Societal, and Scienti>c
Investigations: Undergraduate Research During
COVID-19
Article 9
2023
Science Literacy and Popular Culture: Forensic Science Literacy and Popular Culture: Forensic
Anthropology in Application and Fiction Anthropology in Application and Fiction
Autumn L. Baker
Portland State University
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Baker, Autumn L. (2023) "Science Literacy and Popular Culture: Forensic Anthropology in Application and
Fiction,"
PSU McNair Scholars Online Journal
: Vol. 16: Iss. 1, Article 9.
https://doi.org/10.15760/mcnair.2023.16.1.9
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Science Literacy and Popular
Culture: Forensic
Anthropology in Application
and Fiction
McNair Research Thesis Scholar: Autumn Baker
Mentors: Dr. Michele Gamburd and Dr. Amiee Potter
September 30, 2022
Abstract
This exploratory research examines the discussion of “race” in popular cultural media in a
forensic anthropological context. The TV series Bones was used as a sample site for a cultural
comparative analysis. This research critically compares popular culture understandings of “race”
or ancestral heritage as depicted in Bones with a specific, newly developed method that forensic
anthropologists apply in actual lab procedures in combination with other methods to determine
ancestral heritage as depicted in textbooks. This research project has two phases. The first phase
is a media analysis of discussions and depictions of ancestral heritage in episodes of Bones; the
second phase uses osteology lab work with biological specimens in the Portland State University
and Portland Community College Sylvania Campus osteology collections. People may acquire
science literacy through popular culture and social media sources, and inaccurate depictions and
misapprehensions may adversely affect people’s understanding of human biological diversity
and ancestral heritage. This study contributes to the ongoing effort in biological anthropology to
undo the concept of biological “race” and to portray accurate information about how human
variation occurs on gradients or clines by examining possible influences in the public’s
understanding of science from popular media representations to create better overall science
literacy concerning human variation.
Science Literacy and Popular Culture:
Forensic Anthropology in Application and
Fiction
This study inquires if popular media presentations of forensic anthropology depict accurate
human biological science. The information depicted may influence how people understand the
biological realities of human ancestral origin or “race.” Studies have shown that bias or
misinformation in TV programming, whether accidental or intentional, influences the behavior
and opinions of the consumer audience (Ellingsen and Hernæs 2018; Jensen and Oster
2009). Science literacy concerning “race” in a forensic context is important for the general public
because incorrect assumptions about the biological nature of human variation garnered from
media representations are a part of the larger socio-cultural framework of racialism and racism
(Kondo 2018, 25-34).
The United States National Center for Education Statistics (1996, 22) defines science literacy as
"the knowledge and understanding of scientific concepts and processes required for personal
decision making, participation in civic and cultural affairs, and economic productivity." This
conception of science literacy is fundamentally influenced in the general public by sources such
as television, film, and social media (Hall 2011, 81-84). My research has focused on observing
some of the lab methods for assessing ancestral heritage that are portrayed on the TV crime
drama Bones and evaluating those sampled methods against similar forensic anthropological lab
methods to evaluate them for validity.
The purpose of this study is to explore if the TV series Bones paints an accurate portrayal of
forensic anthropological assessments of “race” or ancestral heritage. Bones, a popular TV crime
drama inspired by novels written by actual forensic anthropologist Kathy Reichs, depicts a
forensic anthropologist working in the field and the lab with other forensic pathologists,
scientists, and representatives from other branches of law enforcement (Flatow and Reichs
2012). Much of the understanding that people have about forensic anthropology’s methods,
capabilities, and practices may come from TV and film depictions on late night “true crime
reenactments and procedural police dramas (Alduraywish, et al. 2022). In this research I have
reproduced the methodological approaches depicted in Bones to the best of my present
capabilities as a graduate student and then tested them by using a real-world discipline specific
method and dataset that most closely correspond to the fictional one to compare the analysis
techniques for creating ancestral heritage estimations in biological profiles. I focus my research
on human skulls.
Misrepresentation of specialized scientific procedures may influence opinions in the public and
judicial arenas such as in murder cases, wherein there might be an expectation of instantaneous
identification, DNA results, or other pathological evidence. This may be based upon
misinformation about what is possible or realistic for crime lab processing as seen in CSI or
Bones type crime drama television programs (Kruse 2010; Lawson 2009; Shelton, et al. 2009;
Smith, et al. 2011). Possible misapprehensions gained from pop-media fictions may contribute to
science illiteracy which may influence socially and culturally dysfunctional outcomes,
particularly in marginalized populations.
This study focused on the sampled depictions of forensic anthropological methods relating to
ascertaining the ancestral heritage of human remains on the TV crime series Bones. However,
Bones sometimes depicts non-existent “technology” such as using advanced computer holograms
to conjure the image of the victim instantly or make casual use of existing technology, such as
DNA processing, that is too expensive for many real-world crime labs (University of Nebraska
Medical Center 2022). Directors and screenwriters might use these types of fictions to allow the
show to fit in a brief timeslot and to make the drama of the show the focus for the audience. This
dramatization may cut out vital methodological processes and procedural approaches, so that
what is depicted can unintentionally misguide the viewer about what is possible or practical in a
forensic anthropological context (Taylor and Jaeger 2022, 31-36).
Literature Review
The general public’s comprehension concerning scientific processes and methods may be
attributed to a combination of a fundamental lack of science literacy and popular media,
including social media spreading disinformation or, conversely, valid information that is possibly
missing enough context to be misleading (Salmon et.al. 2015; Zarocostas 2020).
In my analysis of popular culture, I have used audience theory to examine the content of the TV
portrayals of forensic anthropological methodologies (Ruddock 2006). Audience theory seeks to
understand if the audience is a passive or active observer in the narrative and worldbuilding, and
if the audience is addressed as an individual or as a part of a larger population. I observed if there
is an inherent implication that the audience is addressed singularly, en masse, or if the narrative
itself is the target of the information (Ruddock 2006). In my analysis of Bones, I have found that
the viewer is being addressed as an active participant rather than a passive population or
individual. In other words, I believe the writers may expect the audience to be an engaged agent
with the program they are watching rather than having the program playing in a public venue as
a backdrop, like an advertisement (Taylor and Jaeger 2022, 131-135).
I have also assessed if there is an assumed level of science literacy that the target audience has.
To determine this, I have considered the framing, knowledge-gap, and cultivation theories under
the audience parent theory, which has allowed me to observe that Bones may be depicting a
culturally influenced selective view of reality which might allow the observed media to influence
social reality (Taylor and Jaeger 2022, 131-135). Depictions of an inaccurate interpretation of
social or scientific reality may allow the consumer media to influence social beliefs concerning
marginalized groups and science literacy (Gerbner and Gross 1976; Webster and Ksiazek 2012).
Human variation that manifests in superficial or phenotypic characteristics has been the basis for
racist ideologies about human categorization since the eighteenth-century, when Swedish
naturalist Carl Linnaeus first proposed a classification system for modern humans that included
four distinct categories (i.e., races): Homo sapiens americanus, asiaticus, africanus, and
europaeus, representing Indigenous Americans, Asians, Africans, and Europeans respectively.
Harvard professor Earnest Hooten (1887-1954) later reframed these cranial morphological trait
categories into three major racial groups: Negroid, Mongoloid, and Caucasoid (Christensen,
Passalacqua, and Bartelink 2019, 274-277). This racial classification was pivotal in the cultural
proliferation of scientific racism or racial essentialism that fostered the idea that character traits
such as intellect or morality were biologically based on morphological characteristics
(Christensen, Passalacqua, and Bartelink 2019, 274-277; Müller-Wille 2014, 597-606). These
superficial morphological differences have been propagandized in visual pop-culture since the
beginning of film media in the US as a tool for marginalization of othered or outsider
populations (Taylor and Jaeger 2022, 131-135).
Due to advances in DNA technology, we now know that ~90% of human genetic variation can
be found in a single population from Europe, Asia, or Africa, and only ~15% would be
contributed if the other mentioned populations were added (Foster and Sharp 2022). This means
that humans vary less genetically than other primates. It is now genetically proven that the
proportion of human genetic material that is variable is consistent across populations and that if
we add India then the percentage shrinks to ~10% (Jorde and Wooding 2004). This informs us
that humans only vary slightly on the genetic level due to a recent common ancestor, and that
only a minimal portion of this variation is continental population specific (Foster and Sharp
2022; Jorde and Wooding 2004). Biologically, humans have more genetic diversity within a
population than between populations. “Race” doesn’t exist biologically; it is a socio-cultural and
political ideology used to colonize, exploit, and marginalize people based on superficial
differences in appearance by those in positions of systematically constructed privilege and power
(Chou 2017).
Today, many biological anthropologists think of human morphological variation in terms of
clinal variation rather than “race.” Biologist Julian Huxley conceptualized clinal variation to
describe gradual and continual morphological variation in a species across a broadly dispersed
area. In contrast, the concept of “race” describes a population geographically isolated from its
parent species long enough to develop significantly distinct characteristics (Christensen,
Passalacqua, and Bartelink 2019, 274-277). Biologically and anthropologically, many scholars
now recognize that “race” does not exist in the human species outside of socio-cultural identities
(Fujimura, et al. 2014). The concept of easily categorized racial groups is based on the colonial
ideology that ancestral heritage can be assessed by a few macromorphological traits that can be
quickly and simply observed owing to extreme human variations in ancestral populations. This
construct discounts the dynamic and constantly shifting cultural, ethnic, and social realities that
form the basis of what is perceived as race in western ideology. Human variation occurs on
clines or gradients and is based on geography and environment and do not meet the biological
criteria for race (Bethard and DiGangi 2021; Yosso 2020, 5-13; Christensen, Passalacqua, and
Bartelink 2019, 274-277).
The causal effect of a misinformed science literacy might manifest as a socially shared cognitive
bias that may disallow a person or group to believe accurate information because their shared
ideology may have been initially rooted in bad information (Spalding 2020). This form of
possible cognitive bias may also manifest indirectly when an individual or population is
represented in a scene by a character’s mention, but not by on-screen presence for example,
when a character in a position of authority mentions the population as a plot device when
referencing a decedent. This may place the passive or theoretical population in an outsider
category and might simultaneously allow the majority audience to relate further to the authority
or insider representation (Kondo 2018, 25-34).
Social and cultural models of information exchange exist within a paradigm that may put the
individual and their identity first and the environment within which the information exists as
secondary. This can manifest as an individual’s demographic information being conflated with
their identity, which may remove context from personal circumstances. This may allow the
media consumer to experience the media from an impersonal perspective that centers the
narrative over its relationship to reality, but which may have detrimental effects on marginalized
populations by lacking accurate representation. In Bones, the forensic scientists possibly
represent pillars of the scientific community. They may represent authority through their
specialization and expertise, and that authority may make the information they reveal seem
trustworthy to the audience, even if the populations represented only exist within the
environment as a narrative device (Siebers 2019, 39-47).
The prospect of this study is to contribute to the ongoing effort in biological anthropology to
undo the cultural concept of biological “race” and to portray accurate information about how
human variation occurs on gradients or clines by examining possible influences in the public’s
understanding of science from popular media representations in order to create better overall
science literacy concerning human variation (Jorde and Wooding 2004). Using pop-cultural
representations of forensic anthropology procedures as a test-site, I examine how pop-cultural
depictions in Bones may present racist bias in the form of scientific bioessentialism (Dirkmaat et
al. 2008, 33-52; Soylu Yalcinkaya, Estrada-Villalta, and Adams 2017).
Methodology
This research critically assesses if pop media may expose the viewing audience to possible
misinformation of biological science by portraying inaccurate or incomplete ideas of human
skeletal variation in an authoritative manner. In my research design, I have evaluated a sample of
pop-media forensic anthropology from Bones for the validity of the methods depicted. To
achieve this goal, I have examined human skeletal variation and cranial indicators associated
with ancestral heritage while utilizing discipline standard practices of applied forensic
anthropology (Christensen and Passalacqua 2018; Byers 2018, 131-50; Christensen and
Passalacqua 2018, 127-30).
The research design has two parts. First, I observed the ways in which Bones depicts possible
ancestral biological profiles and evaluated how accurate those methods are in practice. I gathered
comparative data by watching episodes of the series Bones. I selected episodes for critical
analysis using synopses provided on the websites IMDb and Wikipedia (IMDb 2005; Wikipedia
2022). I selected episodes with the keywords race, ancestral estimation,” ”biological profile,
ancestral origin, or racial identity to locate scenes that depict ancestral estimation in
biological profiles using discipline-accepted assessment techniques (Christensen and Passalacqua
2018, 127-30). My search using those terms garnered 23 episodes, of which I discuss 3 in detail
in this essay. I worked during the summer of 2022 to locate 10 scenes with these procedures
depicted in my sample. I chose these 10 scenes at random from the 23 that came from my search
results. I watched the 10 random scenes and chose 3 to analyze because they had more
information about how the forensic anthropologist reached their conclusion about the decedent's
ancestral heritage. I have used critical theory and narrative analysis to analyze these episodes by
looking for patterns in how the script and actors address biological profile estimation (Bernard
2011; Christensen 2018, 35-41, 101-09, 127-130; Ruddock 2006; Webster and Ksiazek 2012;
White, Black and Folkens 2012, 379-426).
Second, I made the estimation that the closest approximation to the macroscopic visual
observations gathered from scenes in Bones in my sample set would be Optimized Summed
Scoring Attributes (OSSA) method (Christensen and Passalacqua 2018, 127-36). I used the
OSSA categorization method to evaluate crania in the teaching collections at Portland State
University and Portland Community College-Sylvania. The OSSA method allowed me to score
specific locations on the skull by visual assessment to estimate likely ancestral heritage. The
OSSA method scores cranial features on a scale that, when totaled, gives an approximation of
ancestral heritage. I then compared this analytic technique to the macroscopic assessment
techniques portrayed in my samples of Bones episodes. I compared how long the analysis took,
how difficult it was to perform, and how accurately the techniques could predict ancestral
heritage. Specifically, I performed macroscopic, morphoscopic analysis using the OSSA method
to estimate the ancestral heritage of the available samples (Christensen and Passalacqua 2018,
127-36). I decided not to use craniometric estimation techniques because these were not common
in my observed samples of the show and I do not have the training necessary to complete this
method of assessment accurately without expert supervision.
I assessed the inferior nasal aperture (INA), interorbital breadth (IOB), nasal aperture width
(NAW), nasal bone structure (NBS) (Figure 1), anterior nasal spine (ANS), and post-bregmatic
depression (PBD) (Figure 2.) In each assessment, I compared the size and shape of each
landmark to examples given in forensic anthropology lab manuals on a scale. A certain
topological configuration would earn the landmark a number on a scale and each number was
then assessed according to the OSSA chart. Each of these scores were then weighed to
extrapolate if the decedent was presumed to be either “American Black” or “American White.”
Each estimation gave me a number that was then scored according to the OSSA scaling
methodology that gave me an estimation of the ancestral heritage of samples.
Figure 1: Figure 1 depicts a front facing human cranial analog with visual indicators of OSSA locations:
interorbital breadth, nasal bone structure, nasal aperture width, inferior nasal aperture. Photo credit:
William Brown 2022
Figure 2: Figure 2 depicts a side facing human cranial analog with visual indicators of OSSA locations:
post bregmatic depression, anterior nasal spine. Photo credit: William Brown 2022
Binary Transformation of OSSA Scores:
Trait
Character expression and OSSA scores
Anterior nasal
spine (ANS)
Slight
1 =0
Intermediate
2=1
Marked
3=1
Inferior nasal
aperture (INA)
Pronounced
slope 1=0
Moderate
slope
2=0
Straight
3=0
Partial Sill
4=1
Interorbital
breadth (IOB)
Narrow
1=1
Intermediate
2=1
Wide
3=0
Nasal Aperture
width (NAW)
Narrow
1=1
Medium
2=1
Broad
3=0
Nasal Bone
Structure (NBS)
Low/Round
0=0
Oval
1=0
Marked
Plateau
2=1
Narrow
Plateau
3=1
Post-Bregmatic
depression
(PBD)
Absent
0=1
Present
1=0
OSSA Sum of 0-3= “American Black” Sum of 4+= “American White”
Table 1: Table 1 depicts the OSSA binary transformation scoring method wherein a decedent’s ancestral
origin is estimated based on cranial topographical morphological features (Christensen and Passalacqua
2018, 127-36).
I recorded how long it took to do each of these assessments three times per sample, a standard
forensic protocol when performing such analysis. I also recorded how long it took to take
documentary photographs and follow lab safety protocols (Christensen and Passalacqua 2018,
127-36). In my analysis of the cranial human remains at the Portland State University human
osteology lab and the Portland Community College Sylvania biology lab, I was able to perform
the first steps in a macroscopic ancestral heritage estimation according to standard forensic
anthropology identification procedures. I am aware of the possibly problematic nature of
working in a post-colonial osteological collection of unknown proveniences in an institutional
setting, and I have taken special care to be respectful and conscientious of the human remains I
have examined at Portland State University and Portland Community College Sylvania campus
during this stage of my research. My comparison of the Bones methods and my assessment
methods are outlined in the data section of this study.
Data
Bones Episodes
The following information includes my observations of scenes depicting ancestral estimation in
Bones episodes. The ancestral heritage estimations are performed by a forensic anthropologist, a
forensic anthropology graduate student, and a forensic artist, with contributions from other
scientists depending upon the scene. I have analyzed the following three scenes from the ten
sample episodes I watched for this study, but I hope to examine more episodes in further depth in
future studies.
Example 1: Season 1 episode 1: Pilot
Scene at 14:35
*Team of scientists and an artist looking at 3D hologram in the Jeffersonian lab. *
Angela: “Brennan reassembled the skull and applied tissue markers.”
Dr. Brennan: “Her skull was badly damaged, but racial indicators, cheek bone dimensions, nasal
arch, occipital measurements, suggest African American.”
*Hologram populates*
Dr. Brennan: “Rerun the program substituting Caucasian values.”
*Hologram populates*
Dr. Brennan: “Split the difference. Mixed race.”
Angie: “Lenny Kravits or Vanessa Williams?”
The scene implies that some craniometric analysis may have been performed off camera, but
there is no way to determine which methods were performed (Hanson, Hart 2005). Zygomatic
(cheek) bones and the zygomatic suture placements are more similar in Caucasian and African
populations than dissimilar to other ancestral populations. There are multiple specific nasal
landmarks that can be used in determining a biological profile, but “nasal arch” is an unknown
and inaccurate term (Christensen, Passalacqua and Bartelink 2019, 271-304). “Occipital
measurements” implies that some type of craniometric analysis may have been performed off
screen, but there is no indication as to what methods were used.
Example 2: Season 6 Episode 6: The Shallow in the Deep
Scene at 3:40
*Scientists are working simultaneously in the Jeffersonian lab on bodies from a slave shipwreck
with many decedents. Skeletal remains from the shipwreck’s mass marine grave are being set on
examination tables. The forensic artist holds a slave ship’s manifesto that lists the names and
descriptions of possible decedents*
Dr. Brennan *Approaches examination table. Camera pans up the skeletal remains to show that
much of the craniofacial features are obscured by marine mussels*: “Male child under 10 years
old. One hundred and thirty centimeters. The marine mussels compromised the bone, *Points to
face* but the skull shows a mix of Negroid and Caucasoid characteristics suggesting he’d be
listed as Mulatto.”
Angela: “Got it. Polidore Nelson.”
Graduate student *At another examination table examining another decedent. Points to intact
pelvis*: “Symphyseal rim well defined. *Points to cranium* Partial ectocranial suture closure.
Female, 40’s, five feet tall.”
The scene implies that decedents from a recently discovered slave shipwreck, which housed a
mass marine grave, are being brought to the lab and assessed immediately after retrieval,
inferring that the viewer is witnessing the entire biological profile analysis process, without any
anthropometric measurements happening off screen (Kettner 2010). Contrary to what Bones
portrays in the case of Polidore Nelson, subadult skeletal remains are difficult to sex, and most
methods used on adults are not considered reliable on juveniles until after 14 years of age. One
method that is employed for sexing subadult skeletons with 81%-90% accuracy is metric
analysis of radiographs, which was not performed here. Determining ancestral origin in a
subadult decedent by visual assessment alone and without anthropometric evaluation may not be
a reliable method of determining ancestral heritage in subadult individuals, especially in admixed
populations (Christensen, Passalacqua and Bartelink 2019, 256-259).
The pubic symphysis is a good feature to examine for aging skeletal remains, however, the
graduate student in this scene estimated the age by expressing there is a well-defined rim, that
she couldn’t have seen in an intact pelvis (Brooks and Suchey 1990, 227-238). The ectocranial
suture isn’t used as an aging landmark in people under 50-60 years of age because the suture
does not fully close until approximately 80 years of age (Meindl and Lovejoy 1985, 57-66;
Ruengdit, Case, and Mahakkanukrauh 2020, 1-11). The biological profiles given in this scene are
determined by macroscopic assessments within moments of visual examination (Kettner 2010),
which would not be possible or procedurally acceptable in real life.
Example 3: Season 10 Episode 6: The Lost Love in the Foreign Land.
Scene at 2:28
*Forensic Pathologist, forensic entomologist, and forensic anthropologist are examining human
remains in a pasture. They approach a mostly fleshed, though skinless decedent. *
Dr. Brennan *Holds hand in a size gauging gesture near the decedent’s hip joint*: I’m judging
by the length of the hip axis the decedent was female of Mongoloid descent.”
Dr. Brennan *Moves hand to decedent’s mouth and runs gloved fingers over the mandibular
arcade*: “The wear on the mandibular teeth suggest she was in her late 20’s.”
Without defleshing the decedent and without using calipers for metric analysis, there is no
reasonable explanation for how Dr. Brennan can accurately gauge measurements of the hip axis
in millimeters. Dr. Brennan would be required after metric analysis to perform statistical analysis
using a database like Fordisc to come to an accurate ancestral estimation using hip axis metrics
(Meeusen, Christensen, and Hefner 2015, 1300-1304). The use of femoral neck axis length to
approximate sex in a forensic anthropological context is a method shown to be approximately
86% effective in determination when anthropometric measurements with slide calipers are used
on skeletal remains then compared to forensic discipline sex specific datasets. However, it is
considered limited due to significant intra-population variation in ancestral estimations and may
not be applied in a forensic anthropological context when other more valid skeletal landmarks
are available (Attia et al 2022; Meeusen, Christensen, and Hefner 2015, 1300-1304).
Although there are methods of determining the approximate age at death of a decedent from
tooth wear, these methods rely heavily upon visual inspection and may also include metric
analysis, neither of which Dr. Brennan performed (Alayan, Aldossary and Santini 2018, 18-21).
The validity of this method of determining approximate age at death is influenced by diet,
pathology, dental malocclusion, and other factors, and as such may not be used when other valid
methods are available (Miles 2001, 973-982).
At a crime scene, a forensic anthropologist may be present to help locate human remains,
determine if the skeletal remains are intact, identify and differentiate human skeletal remains
from animal remains, or to work in a mobile lab to process evidence. However, most of the
individuation of human remains happens in the lab after the bones have been cleaned and the
chain of custody observed per judicial procedures (Stanojevich 2016). Dr. Brennan would not
have been able to give expert witness testimony as to the biological profile of this decedent
ethically had she estimated age, sex, and ancestry in this manner (Christensen, Passalacqua and
Bartelink 2019, 256-259; Manthey and Jantz 2020, 27587; Stanojevich 2016).
Cranial Assessment Data
Before I could analyze the crania using the OSSA method, I needed to take a number of steps to
gain permissions to access the bones through institutional authorities. I spent months emailing
and networking to get permissions. Once I had permission to use osteological collections, I also
spent time traveling, signing paperwork for the care and handling of the space, materials and
human remains, getting lab key permissions, setting out lab pads to protect the crania, and
washing hands before and after handling human remains. These preparatory steps preceded the
in-lab process of carefully handling the crania, photographing them from multiple angles, writing
down each observation, then doing it twice more on different days to recheck for accuracy. I
spent approximately 40 minutes assessing each cranium, including the time I spent taking notes.
In actual forensic lab situations, there are many factors that take time, including chain of custody
procedures, ongoing judicial processes, court permissions, cleaning the remains, and performing
multiple analysis techniques to get the most accurate and valid information for individuation as
possible (Stanojevich 2016). The Bones episodes I observed did not portray these steps and
protocols. Due to the OSSA method only allowing for a categorical approximation of ancestry of
either “American black” or “American white,” accuracy in my ancestral estimations will not be
entirely known. I did not perform biological profiles including age or sex because these factors
fall outside of the scope of this study. Further refinement of ancestral estimation could be
performed through methods such as craniometric measurements in concert with database
comparisons such as Fordisc. Fordisc is a database used by biological anthropologists to
statistically analyze human remains for biological profile approximations concerning ancestry,
sex and stature (Manthey and Jantz 2020, 27587). The Decision Tree Modeling (DTM) method,
which uses the categorization information found from OSSA assessments to further narrow the
possible ancestral origins of decedents based on cranial features, could also be used to add one
further dimension to OSSA. However, I did not have access to these resources or sufficient
training in these techniques to make valid assessments using them at the time of this study.
In my assessments, I use the term “wormians” in place of “supernumerary sutural bones,” or
“extra numerary sutural ossifications,” which are bones that form because of extra ossification
centers along cranial suture lines in utero from a variety of causes (Pickett and Montes 2019).
The cranial data presented is in two designations. Crania with an “A” designation came from the
Portland State University osteology lab and are listed first, crania with a “P” designation came
from the Portland Community College-Sylvania biology lab and are listed second. There is no
particular order outside of these designations.
Cranium A54: Notes: Nasal aperture damaged, anterior nasal spine missing, inferior nasal
aperture damaged. Examination and documentation lasted 45 minutes.
OSSA Trait
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
Inconclusive
-
INA
Inconclusive
-
IOB
2
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
4
1
PBD
Present
0
Sum
Incomplete assessment
undetermined
Table 2: Table 2 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “A54” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
absent
Extra occipital protuberance
robust
Extra sutural bones
absent
Mastoid process
present
Staining
Not significantly
Fractures
Left temporal bone fractured. Left zygomatic bone
fractured.
Table 3: Table 3 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “A54” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium A30: Notes: Incisors, bicuspids, and canines damaged. Presumed female with
masculinized features. Bone porosity possibly due to iron deficiency, wormians present.
Examination and documentation lasted 55 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
2
1
INA
4
1
IOB
1
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
1
1
PBD
Absent
0
Sum
10
5 Possible American “white”
Table 4: Table 4 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “A30” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
slight
Extra occipital protuberance
absent
Extra sutural bones
wormians present but otherwise simple sutural
structure
Mastoid process
present, small
Staining
minimal
Fractures
Present, front dentition fractured, postmortem fractures
due to handling
Table 5: Table 5 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “A30” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium A43: Examination and documentation lasted 45 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
3
1
INA
3
0
IOB
2
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
1
0
PBD
Absent
0
Sum
11
3 Possible American “white”
Table 6: Table 6 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “A43” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
minimal
Extra occipital protuberance
present
Extra sutural bones
present
Mastoid process
present, gracile
Staining
minimal
Fractures
left styloid process absent, teeth fractured, anterior
nasal spine fractured
Table 7: Table 7 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “A43” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium A50: Examination and documentation lasted 45 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
2
1
INA
2
0
IOB
3
0
NAW
3
0
NBS
0
0
PBD
Present
1
Sum
10
2- Possible American “black”
Table 8: Table 8 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “A50” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
absent
Extra occipital protuberance
present
Extra sutural bones
wormians present
Mastoid process
Present, gracile
Staining
moderate
Fractures
Front dentition, mandibular angle broken off, multiple
postmortem fractures due to handling
Table 9: Table 9 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “A50” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium A63: Examination and documentation lasted 45 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
2
1
INA
2
0
IOB
2
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
0
0
PBD
Present
0
Sum
8
3 Possible American “black”
Table 10: Table 10 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “A63” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
absent
Extra occipital protuberance
present
Extra sutural bones
wormians present
Mastoid process
present but slight
Staining
minimal
Fractures
maxilla dentition
Table 11: Table 11 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “A63” as they apply to the
morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium A52: Examination and documentation lasted 40 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
3
1
INA
5
1
IOB
1
1
NAW
1
1
NBS
4
1
PBD
Absent
1
Sum
14
6- Possible American “White”
Table 12: Table 12 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “A52” located in PSU’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
absent
Extra occipital protuberance
present
Extra sutural bones
small wormian present
Mastoid process
present
Staining
absent
Fractures
absent
Table 13: Table 13 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “A52” as they apply to the
morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium P1: Notes: Cranium is partially covered in white paint, handling damage, elderly
individual, parietal foramina present, glabellar foramen present, multiple foramina in lateral
lesser wing of sphenoid bone. Examination and documentation lasted 50 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
2
1
INA
3
0
IOB
2
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
1
1
PBD
Present
0
Sum
9
4 Possible American “white”
Table 14: Table 14 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “P1” located in PCC’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
minimal
Extra occipital protuberance
absent
Extra sutural bones
obliterated
Mastoid process
absent
Staining
absent
Fractures
Multiple postmortem fractures in many locations likely
due to handling
Table 15: Table 15 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “P1” located in PCC’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium P2: Notes: Nasal aperture damaged, maxillary teeth damaged, glue along coronal and
sagittal sutures. Examination and documentation lasted 40 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
2
1
INA
4
1
IOB
2
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
3
1
PBD
Absent
1
Sum
13
6 Possible American “white”
Table 16: Table 16 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “P2” located in PCC’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
minimal
Extra occipital protuberance
present
Extra sutural bones
absent
Mastoid process
robust
Staining
absent
Fractures
Fractures to nasion and maxilla due to handling
postmortem
Table 17: Table 17 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “P2” located in PCC’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Cranium P3:
Notes: Nasal aperture damaged, Maxillary and mandibular anterior dentition damaged, glue
along coronal suture, older individual. Examination and documentation lasted 40 minutes.
OSSA Trait
Character/Score
OSSA Score
ANS
3
1
INA
5
1
IOB
1
1
NAW
2
1
NBS
4
1
PBD
Absent
1
Sum
15
6 Possible American “white”
Table 18: Table 18 displays the morphological scores assessed from the cranium “P3” located in PCC’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Visual macroscopic observations: Features absent or present:
Supraorbital ridge
present
Extra occipital protuberance
present
Extra sutural bones
absent
Mastoid process
robust
Staining
absent
Fractures
Some due to handling postmortem
Table 19: Table 19 displays the morphological traits assessed from the cranium “P3” located in PCC’s osteology
collection as they apply to the morphoscopic OSSA ancestry estimation assessment.
Discussion
In my analysis of the scenes depicting the ancestral estimations in biological profiles on Bones, I
noticed that the estimations shown to the viewer were macromorphoscopic, meaning that the
fictional scientists took a large-scale look at the features of the skull without using metric
measurements. There was mention of craniometric analysis done in Example 1 when Dr.
Brennan mentions “occipital measurements,” but without mention of a specific testing
procedure, there is no way to know which method was utilized (Hanson and Hart 2005). This
means that the viewer is only shown subjective, typological, macroscopic cranial analysis for
ancestral heritage estimation in these examples. Without the craniometric analysis of a decedent
compared to a statistical dataset like Fordisc, the forensic anthropologist doing ancestral
estimation may run the risk of providing an inaccurate biological profile based on confirmation
bias while working from a list of typological macroscopic traits (Christensen, Passalacqua, and
Bartelink 2019, 274-277; Nakhaeizadeh, Dror, and Morgan 2014, 20814).
As I based my cranial analysis methodology on what I was able to see in the episodes I sampled,
I used the OSSA method which is limited to a binary choice for ancestral estimation, i.e.,
“American Black,” or “American White.” The DTM method that works with the OSSA method
would have added “Hispanic” to the list of possible ancestral origins had I used it, however,
these three categories do not give a clear biological profile to most decedents and are based on
cultural and social ideas about race rather than clinal realities (Christensen, Passalacqua, and
Bartelink 2019, 274-277).
Although a discussion of skeletal and dental variation that occurs within and between
populations is beyond the scope of this paper, there are superficial morphologic features that
vary in shape and size observed in craniofacial and postcranial remains across populations. These
skeletal and dental features have traditionally been assessed using topographical methods to
assign race to skeletonized remains (White, Black and Folkens 2012, 379-426). However, race is
a social construct and ancestry represents relatedness, thus race and ancestry are not the same
thing. When the global distribution of human variation is considered, a gradual shift over
geographic space in trait prevalence or phenotype is best explained through clines (Christensen
and Passalacqua 2018, 127-30). Due to population histories, cultural factors, migration, and an
increase in global travel, populations that were once disparate are now in contact, which renders
datasets describing or characterizing skeletal or dental variation by population antiquated and
inaccurate (Christensen and Passalacqua 2018, 127-30; Christensen, Passalacqua and Bartelink
2019, 274-277, White, Black and Folkens 2012, 379-426).
My estimations for the 9 crania I examined were 1 undetermined, 2 possible “American black,”
and 6 possible “American white” according to the OSSA method which took me approximately
45 minutes per cranium to assess (Christensen, Passalacqua and Bartelink 2019, 274-277). Bones
had a 100% individuation accuracy rate instantaneously in the episodes I observed in this study.
Conclusion
Comparative analysis of data:
Item
Bones
Me
Who performed analysis
Forensic anthropologist,
graduate students
Novice Graduate student
Method used in analysis
sample
Undefined
macromorphoscopic methods
Macromorphoscopic OSSA
method
Time to perform analysis
Instantaneous Apx. 3
minutes
Apx. 40 minutes per each
sample
Outcome: Ancestral
estimation
Simple, without error,
immediate.
Complicated, many
overlapping features due to
admixture, cranial damage,
and typical human variation.
Unable to accurately
determine ancestral heritage.
Table 20: Table 20 compares the methods viewed in the samples of Bones against real life lab methods to
compare time to perform and accuracy of ancestral estimation using macromorphoscopic procedures.
A forensic anthropologist is a specialist in a discipline that requires as accurate a biological
profile as possible for judicial and ethical concerns. Law enforcement in the United States relies
on accurate and valid decedent individuation, including socially relevant ancestral heritage
estimation due to culturally influenced reporting and procedure advancement (Dirkmaat et al.
2008, 33-52). Accurate ancestral heritage estimations allow law enforcement to better investigate
missing persons. Due to the inaccuracy of the testing method I applied, based on the samples of
Bones I observed, I would not be able to make precise or accurate ancestry estimations on any of
the crania I analyzed in a judicial or professional context (Christensen, Passalacqua, and
Bartelink 2019, 274-277; Manthey and Jantz 2020, 27587).
I have observed that Bones may have streamlined forensic procedures, possibly excluding
depictions of necessary paperwork, with time for procedures. In addition, Bones makes a
protagonist fill several roles, such as crime scene investigator, forensic pathologist, and homicide
detective. This kind of blending of roles in TV and film media may mislead the general public
about these specialized professions (Christensen, Passalacqua, Bartelink 2019, 3-22; Kruse 2010,
79-91; Scheufele and Krause 2019).
I have found that Bones presents forensic science that uses jargon and represents reality closely
enough that it may be believable for the lay audience, but that might leave out enough detail that
it may be misleading concerning ancestral estimation without contextual science literacy. The
fictional forensic scientists in my samples appear to be able to neatly categorize a victim into a
“race” while possibly using methods that may fall outside of forensic anthropology standards
(Christensen, Passalacqua, and Bartelink 2019, 274-277; Kruse 2010, 79-91).
For over a hundred years, film has been influencing public perceptions of everything from
politics, to consumer brand identity, to gender expression, to “race” (Snow 2003, 22). In the case
of Bones and shows like it, if a fictional forensic anthropologist can visually inspect human
remains and instantly recognize the ancestral heritage of an individual, it may tell the viewer that
there are such intrinsic and substantial biological differences in human ancestral groups that a
trained specialist would easily be able to classify the victim into culturally recognized racial
categories. In reality, there is a process of assessment that allows an expert to make an estimation
of ancestral heritage. These biological profile techniques do not account for cultural identity,
complexion, ethnicity, personal expression, or several other variables, but are important factors
in individuating a decedent for identification purposes. (Christensen, Passalacqua and Bartelink
2019, 271-304; Kruse 2010, 79-91).
This research is significant because it operates in a multi-disciplinary way that invokes both
cultural and biological anthropology and may contribute a broader socio-cultural and biological
understanding regarding where the general public may be influenced in their conceptualizations
about the biological nature of race. This is important during our moment of national self-
examination regarding racialism and racism (Dirkmaat et al. 2008, 33-52; Kondo 2018, 25-34;
Jensen and Oster 2009, 105794).
This preliminary research serves as an exploratory study and will provide the basepoint in future
research projects and studies using a similar framework to examine implications concerning the
dominant cultural ideologies surrounding popular media depictions of marginalized
demographics and their portrayal in medical and biological science situations, e.g., disabled,
impaired, ethnic and ancestral minority, LGBTQ+, and elderly populations (Ellingsen and
Hernæs 2018; Kondo 2018, 25-34; Jensen and Oster 2009, 105794; National Center for Health
Statistics 2015).
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Portland State University and Portland Community College-Sylvania for
this opportunity. My prodigious and patient mentors Dr. Michele Gamburd and Dr. Amiee Potter
who worked in concert to guide me through every step of this research and paper. The
anthropology Dept. Chair Dr. Charles Klein, Dr. Natalie Vasey, and Dr. Andrew Chang for their
understanding and support. The McNair program, Dr. Toeutu Faaleava, Motutama Sipelii,
Malissa Pierce, Dr. Julia Dancis, and my fellow McNair scholars for their guidance, kindness,
and encouragement. My magnificent friends and my phenomenal partner for daily
encouragement, strength and equanimity, and lastly to the incomparable Lord Vexington for his
daily reminders stay curious. You all have my absolute and abiding gratitude!
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