6 | Social Education | January/February 2024
Social Education 88 (1)
©2024 National Council for the Social Studies
The Keys to the White House:
The Outlook for 2024
Allan J. Lichtman
S
ince 1996, I have apprised readers of Social
Education of my predicted presidential elec-
tion results based on the Keys to the White House.
The Keys are a historical-based index system for
predicting the results of American presidential
elections that have been successful since 1984.
The Keys gauge the strength and performance of
the party holding the White House. If six or more
keys turn against the White House party, they are
predicted losers (see Table 1). In 2016, in deance
of polls and pundits, the Keys predicted Donald
Trump’s victory, and in 2020, the Keys predicted
that he would become the rst president since
George H. W. Bush in 1992 to lose a reelection
bid (see Table 2 on p. 8).
The Big Picture of Presidential Elections
Under pressure to cover the presidential election
nearly day by day, the media focused on the
horse-race polls that independent and partisan
organizations issue in abundance. However, polls
taken months before an election had zero predic-
tive value, leading to outlandish forecasting errors.
In June of the election year 1988, Republican can-
didate George H. W. Bush trailed his Democratic
opponent, Michael Dukakis, by 17 percent,
according to the Gallup poll. Bush ultimately
defeated Dukakis by 8 percent, for a 25-point
swing. Even late polls can be misleading. In 1980,
a Gallup poll two weeks before the election
showed Republican challenger Ronald Reagan
trailing Democratic President Jimmy Carter by 8
percent. Reagan ultimately defeated Carter by
10 percent, for an 18-point swing. In 2012, the
nal Gallup poll just before the election showed
President Barack Obama trailing challenger Mitt
Romney by 1 percent. Obama ultimately defeated
Romney by 4 percent, for a 5-point swing in just a
few days.
This work presents a unique model for explain-
ing and predicting the outcome of presidential
contests, including 2024. The Keys to the White
House model does not use horse-race polls or
presidential approval ratings. It does not focus
primarily on economic trends. Instead, the Keys
consist of 13 simple true/false questions based on
the insight that presidential elections are votes up
or down on the broadly dened strength and per-
formance of the party holding the White House.
That is, governing, not campaigning, counts in
electing the American president.
The Keys gauge the big picture of a president’s
record, such as midterm election results, internal
nomination contests, third-party challenges, the
short- and long-term economy, policy change,
social unrest, scandal, and foreign and military
failures and successes. Only two keys relate to the
candidates, asking whether the incumbent or chal-
lenging party candidate is a once-in-generation
broadly inspirational, charismatic gure. Unlike
most academic models, the Key model’s questions
are simple and easy for anyone to understand and
even use on their own. The Keys make for a good
interview or commentary; anyone can weigh in
with their ideas.
Answers to some of the questions posed in
the Keys require the kind of informed evalua-
tions that historians invariably rely on in drawing
conclusions about past events. Two constraints
distinguish these assessments from the ad hoc
judgments offered by conventional political com-
mentators. First, all judgment calls are made con-
sistently across elections; the threshold standards
established in the study of previous elections must
be applied to future contests. Second, each Key
has an explicit denition, briey summarized in
Table 1.
The Keys to the White House demonstrate that
www.socialstudies.org | 7
politics as usual by the challenging candidate will
have no impact on results. Whether or not the sit-
ting president is seeking reelection, the American
electorate chooses a president according to how
well the White House party has governed the
nation, as measured by the consequential events
and episodes of a term. Nothing a candidate has
said or done during a campaign, when the public
discounts everything as political, has changed his
prospects at the polls. Debates, advertising, televi-
sion appearances, news coverage, and campaign
strategies—the usual grist for the punditry mills—
count for virtually nothing on Election Day.
The media spend hundreds of millions of dollars
covering presidential general election campaigns,
like horse races, with candidates darting ahead
and falling behind, even before a single vote is
cast. This horse race coverage only promotes
negative, shallow, soundbite-driven campaigns.
Where the Keys Stand for 2024
As of this writing in late December 2023,
circumstances are so uid that I have made no
nal prediction for the general election. However,
unlike any other model at the onset of the election
year, the Keys offer unique insight into the 2024
contest (see Table 3 on p. 9). Despite grousing
among Democrats about Biden’s age and energy,
he represents the best bet for a Democratic vic-
tory. With Biden running again, the incumbent
Democrats secure two Keys, Incumbency Key 3
and Contest Key 2, because he lacks serious chal-
lengers. Neither of his current opponents, author
Marian Williamson and Minnesota Rep. Dean
Phillips, are likely to dent Biden’s overwhelming
support among Democratic primary and caucus
voters. They would thus need six more nega-
tive Keys to become a predicted loser. If Biden
doesn’t run, they lose the Incumbency and the
Contest Key because the party lacks an obvious
heir apparent. Only four more Keys would have
to fall to predict the Democrats’ defeat. The White
House party has lost every election during the
past 100 years in which there is an open seat and
e Keys are statements that favor the reelection of the incumbent party. When ve or fewer statements are false, the
incumbent party wins. When six or more are false, the challenging party wins.
KEY  (Party Mandate): Aer the midterm elections, the
incumbent party holds more seats in the U.S. House of
Representatives than it did aer the previous midterm
elections.
KEY  (Contest): ere is no serious contest for the
incumbent-party nomination.
KEY  (Incumbency): e incumbent-party candidate is
the sitting president.
KEY  (ird party): ere is no signicant third-party
or independent campaign.
KEY  (Short-term economy): e economy is not in
recession during the election campaign.
KEY  (Long-term economy): Real per-capita economic
growth during the term equals or exceeds mean growth
during the previous two terms.
KEY  (Policy change): e incumbent administration
eects major changes in national policy.
KEY  (Social unrest): ere is no sustained social unrest
during the term.
KEY  (Scandal): e incumbent administration is
untainted by major scandal.
KEY  (Foreign/military failure): e incumbent
administration suers no major failure in foreign or
military aairs.
KEY  (Foreign/military success): e incumbent
administration achieves a major success in foreign or
military aairs.
KEY  (Incumbent charisma): e incumbent-party
candidate is charismatic or a national hero.
KEY  (Challenger charisma): e challenging-party
candidate is not charismatic or a national hero.
Table 1. The 13 Keys to the White House
8 | Social Education | January/February 2024
an incumbent party nomination battle.
Biden has locked in two other keys, Policy
Change Key 7 and Challenger Charisma Key
13. Biden made signicant changes in the poli-
cies adopted under President Trump. Through
executive orders, he rescinded much of Trump’s
orders on immigration and environmental regula-
tions and rejoined the Paris Accords on climate
change. He pushed through Congress his most
crucial policy initiative, the tax reform and climate
change bill, without a single Republican vote.
His infrastructure bill passed Congress with only
13 Republican votes in the House and 15 in the
Senate.
None of the Republican aspirants for the
presidential nomination is a broadly charismatic
candidate like, for example, Democrat Franklin
Roosevelt or Republican Ronald Reagan. The
frontrunner, Donald Trump, is a consummate
showman who commands media attention but
appeals only to a narrow slice of the electorate
rather than achieving broad appeal like Reagan.
There were many Reagan Democrats, but virtually
no Trump Democrats.
Several other Keys lean in Biden’s favor:
Social Unrest Key 8, Scandal Key 9, Short-Term
Economy Key 5, and Long-Term Economy Key 6.
No widespread social unrest that threatens the
nation’s stability has emerged during Biden’s term.
The Republicans’ impeachment inquiry, launched
on a straight party-line vote in the U.S. House,
is a political maneuver with no basis in fact. The
Republicans have been trying to pin something
illegal on Joe Biden for years and have come up
empty. Even their selected expert witnesses at
a recent hearing admitted that there was insuf-
cient evidence for an impeachment case against
Biden. What Republicans are cynically trying to do
without evidence is muddy the waters—to make
voters think that Trump is no worse than Biden.
There may be a backlash against Republicans for
pursuing what appears to be a partisan, political
impeachment, just as there was a backlash against
Republicans for the 1998 impeachment inquiry of
Bill Clinton.
In terms of the economy, real per-capita
economic growth during the Biden term thus far
substantially exceeds the record of the previous
two terms. It would take an early and deep 2024
recession for the White House party to forfeit Key
6. For the election year, there is no recession cur-
rently on the horizon. However, the economic situ-
ation could change, especially if Republicans fail
to vote on a budget extension and shut down the
Table 2. Published Keys Model Predictions for Elections from 1984 to 2020
Election
Date of
prediction
Source
 April  “How to Bet in ’,Washingtonian, April 
 May  “How to Bet in November,Washingtonian, May 
 September  e Keys to the White House,Montgomery Journal, Sept. , 
 October  “Who Will Be the Next President?” Social Education, Oct. 
 November  e Keys to Election ,Social Education, Nov/Dec 
 April  e Keys to the White House,Montgomery Gazette, April , 
 February “Forecast for ,Foresight, Feb. 
 January 
Preliminary Forecast for ,International Journal of Information Systems and
Social Change, Jan-March 
 September 
Trump is Headed for a Win, Says Professor Who Has Predicted  Years of Presidential
Outcomes Correctly,Washington Post, Sept. , 
 August 
He Predicted Trumps Win in , Now Hes Ready to Call ,New York Times,
Aug. , 
www.socialstudies.org | 9
government, with ripple effects on the economy,
perhaps toppling Key 5.
Biden has lost two keys. He lost the Mandate
Key 1, due to Republican gains in the 2022 mid-
term U.S. House elections. He also fails to secure
the Incumbent Charisma Key 12. Biden lacks
broad inspirational appeal. His approval ratings
are among the lowest for any president, and his
age weighs against him.
Three other keys lean against Biden: Third Party
Key 4, Foreign/Military Failure Key 10, and Foreign/
Military Success Key 11. Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., has
exceeded the 10 percent threshold needed to turn
this Key in much early polling. However, the actual
test of his candidacy will come after the major party
conventions. The war in Ukraine seems to have
ground to a stalemate, with the American public
increasingly skeptical of additional American aid
to Ukraine. The war in the Middle East has wrought
death and destruction upon Palestinian civilians in
Gaza with no end in sight.
What to Look for Before November
Keep your eye on the big picture of the Keys and
ignore the pundits and the pollsters. Although
a nal prediction is not currently feasible, unlike
other models, the Keys indicate what to look for
before November. Currently, the Keys slightly
favor Biden’s reelection. Biden would lose ve—
one short of a predicted defeat—if the Keys fall as
they now lean. However, economic forecasts are
notoriously problematic, and social unrest could
always emerge before the election. Although
unlikely, it remains remotely possible that the
Republicans pin a scandal on the president.
On the plus side for Biden, it is possible but
not likely that the Ukraine war could become a
military and foreign policy success. It is also quite
conceivable that the Kennedy campaign zzles
once major party nominees are selected.
Beyond the scope of the Keys, there are two
unique circumstances in 2024. At 81, Biden will
be the oldest major party presidential candidate
in U.S. history, topping Ronald Reagan in 1984 by
8 years. More signicant are the unprecedented
91 felony indictments against Trump, including
charges that he subverted American democracy
and jeopardized the nation’s security. These are
the most important indictments in the history of
the United States, more important than the indict-
ments of the Watergate conspirators or the atomic
bomb spies.
Trump is a proven master of delay and may
succeed in postponing his trials until after the
Table 3. The 13 Keys to the White House: Current Standings
KEY NUMBER DESCRIPTION OUTCOME 
KEY  PARTY MANDATE FALSE
KEY  CONTEST TRUE
KEY  INCUMBENCY TRUE
KEY  THIRD PARTY LEANS FALSE*
KEY  SHORT-TERM ECONOMY LEANS TRUE*
KEY  LONG-TERM ECONOMY LEANS TRUE*
KEY  POLICY CHANGE TRUE
KEY  SOCIAL UNREST LEANS TRUE*
KEY  SCANDAL LEANS TRUE*
KEY  FOREIGN/MILITARY FAILURE LEANS FALSE*
KEY  FOREIGN/MILITARY SUCCESS LEANS FALSE*
KEY  INCUMBENT CHARISMA FALSE
KEY  CHALLENGER CHARISMA TRUE
* Keys with some possibility of changing before November.
TRUE:  KEYS; LEANS TRUE:  KEYS; FALSE:  KEYS; LEANS FALSE:  KEYS.
10 | Social Education | January/February 2024
election. However, if that ploy fails and Trump
is tried and found guilty of serious felonies, this
will scramble the race for president in unknown
ways, given the lack of historical antecedents for
analysis.
Campaigning by the Keys
On a positive note, the Keys have implications
for governing the country and conducting
presidential campaigns. The Keys show that what
counts in presidential elections is governing,
as measured by the consequential events of a
presidential term, not packaging, image making,
or campaigning. If candidates understood how
elections really worked, they would avoid the
empty, scripted, and consultant-driven campaigns
that the American people have too often endured.
Instead, they would strive to conduct substantive
contests for the presidency and establish the
foundations for governing the country during the
next four years, thereby improving the prospects
for themselves or their party to win another term.
Candidates should explain their vision for the
subsequent four years, specify the intended bills
and executive orders of their rst 100 days, and
indicate the kinds of persons they would elevate
to the cabinet, the White House, and the Supreme
Court.
Allan J. Lichtman is Distinguished Professor of
History at American University in Washington, D.C.
He is the author of Predicting the Next President: e
Keys to the White House (Rowman & Littleeld, ).
He can be reached at [email protected].
REVOLUTION OF IDEAS: A DECADE OF C3 INQUIRY
The publication of the College, Career and Civic Life (C3) Framework for Social Studies State Standards on
Constitution Day in 2013 marked the beginning of a revolution: an inquiry revolution of ideas. From the
New York Toolkit project in 2015 to the widespread adoption of the Inquiry Design Model (IDM), educators
around the world have been activated and inspired by the Inquiry Arc in the C3 Framework. This book is not
only a celebration of the improbable victories and a recognition of how far we have come as a social studies
community, but it is also a testament to the gathering of the inquiry forces unlike any curriculum eff ort in the
past.
The twenty-seven published articles in this book, drawn primarily from the “Teaching the C3 Framework”
columns in Social Education, demonstrate how the ideas of the C3 Framework have made their way into many
facets of social studies: standards, curriculum, instruction, assessment, and teacher education. Looking back on a
decade of inquiry, Kathy Swan, S. G. Grant, and John Lee invite you to join the celebration of the C3 Framework’s
impact on social studies education and to continue blazing the inquiry trail and fueling the revolution.
¡Viva la inquiry revolución!
Kathy Swan (University of Kentucky), S. G. Grant (Binghamton University), and John Lee (North Carolina State
University) are professors of social studies education and worked as the lead writers of the C3 Framework.
They created the Inquiry Design Model (IDM) and worked collaboratively as project directors of the New York
Social Studies Toolkit Project. Swan, Lee, and Grant founded and co-direct C3 Teachers (c3teachers.org), a site
dedicated to implementation of the C3 Framework in classrooms, schools, and states.
The twenty-seven published articles in this
book, drawn primarily from the “Teaching the
C3 Framework” columns in Social Education,
demonstrate how the ideas of the C3 Framework
have made their way into many facets of social
studies: standards, curriculum, instruction,
assessment, and teacher education. Looking back
on a decade of inquiry, Kathy Swan, S. G. Grant,
and John Lee invite you to join the celebration
of the C3 Frameworks impact on social studies
education and to continue blazing the inquiry
trail and fueling the revolution.
¡Viva la inquiry revolución!
A New book from NCSS and the C3 Teachers!
Member/List Price: $29.95 / $39.95